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OF THE 



)L HISTORY 

CAPITOL 


Burmidi’s work shall T 
But, like the stars in 
Shine ever to illume fc 
With matchless art in i 


die, 

sky, 

e, 

fame. 

M A. Joyce. 






























































































SCHOOL HISTORY 

OF THE 


CAPITOL BUILDING 

AT WASHINGTON 



By SMITH D. FRY 

1 * 


Washington, D. C. 
1919 






Copyright, 1919 
By Smith D. Fry 


©Cl. A 5 02 9 5 

Jill 19 1919 





DEDICATION. 


To Miss Lucy L. Seymour, of Keokuk, Iowa, the dearly 
beloved public school teacher, who gently, kindly, lovingly 
guided the mind of a motherless boy into the pathways 
leading to the fertile fields of literature, where the lad, the 
youth, the man found contentment, prosperity and happi¬ 
ness, this work for the boys and girls of America is heart¬ 
ily dedicated by 


THE AUTHOR. 


4 


PREFACE. 

UT of almost half a century of experience in 
and about the Capitol Building, at Washington, 
the author has discovered some facts which at 
first are almost beyond belief by the average 
reader, and hence almost beyond comprehension. 

Tens of thousands of mature and intelligent men and 
women annually visit the Capitol, in the national capital 
city; and, after seeing the Senate Chamber, and the Hall 
of the House of Representatives, ask the question: “Where 
does Congress meet?” 

Other thousands standing out on the grand Plaza and 
looking at the magnificent Capitol ask the question: “What 
building is that?” 

Other thousands decline the services of the professional 
and authorized guides, saying: “No, I haven’t time. I’m 
just running through the building to get an idea of its 
general appearance.” 

For such uninformed or misguided individuals this work 
is prepared, so that, while yet in their youth, our people 
may know better, have a clearer idea concerning their 
form of government, and the wonderful building in which 
national laws are made. 

Unfortunately, in the past, some of our best and most 
influential newspapers have sent to Washington as corre¬ 
spondents, to inform and instruct the people, young men 
who have taken up their work believing the Congress to 
be about on a par with a town council; and who never 
have known anything about the Capitol building whatever. 

In the schools, hereafter, they must learn these things 
which are of incalculable value to the public; that the 
Republic may endure. 






5 


THE UNKNOWN CONSTITUTION. 

(Editorial, Washington Post, May 8, 1916.) 

• v 

Senator Lodge and the other speakers at the dinner of 
the National Association for Constitutional Government 
struck a chord which will find response in the hearts of 
millions of Americans when they advocated a campaign 
of education in behalf of the support and defense of the 
Constitution. They cited the growth of socialism and the 
spread of destructive doctrines among the people and 
warned their hearers of the alarming progress of the in¬ 
sidious process of tearing down the bulwarks of individual 
liberty in this country. 

Mr. Lodge stated that this degenerative process had been 
most marked in recent years, and that matters have reach¬ 
ed such a state, in view of the upheaval throughout the 
world, that the very life of democracy is at stake. He did 
not mean that American democracy would be swept away 
at one swoop or that the Constitution would be abolished 
as a whole. But the demands embodied in propositions 
before Congress and the astonishing numerical strength of 
the voters supporting these dangerous proposals were such 
as to leave no doubt that the process, unless checked, 
would result in undermining and destroying the American 
system of government as established by the Constitution 
and interpreted by such men as Abraham Lincoln. 

Senator Lodge urged the organization of associations 
throughout the country to combat the heresies of evil or 
ignorant men who think they can devise a better govern¬ 
ment than that devised by the founders of this republic. 
He urged the study of the Constitution, which requires a 


♦ 


6 

study of the reason for its existence and of the dangers it 
has survived. 

It cannot be wondered at that children should celebrate 
the Fourth of July as a day of unrestrained license, when 
their elders betray such thorough and impenetrable ig¬ 
norance of the Constitution. The reckless demands for 
changes which would destroy the very liberties for which 
reformers are contending, are so strongly supported by so 
many persons that there can no longer be any doubt that 
the Constitution is really unknown to a vast number of 
Americans. They do not understand the consequences of 
what they demand. They would throw away liberty for 
its counterfeit. 


I 


7 


APPROACHING THE CAPITOL. 

It is very important that visitors to the Capitol Building 
should be informed that all street cars which approach the 
Capitol, from the populous northwest section of the city, 
go around the grounds and ascend the hill; so that it is 
not necessary for any one to climb the beautiful but tire¬ 
some great marble terrace of the west front of the build¬ 
ing. 

Thousands of people, including feeble and elderly per¬ 
sons, annually leave the street cars at the foot of Capitol 
Hill, when they note that the cars are veering either to 
the right or to the left. They assume that the cars are 
going away from the Capitol, whereas, they are merely 
skirting the immense grounds. Visitors should remain in 
their places on the cars, and leave them only afte^r reach¬ 
ing the top of the hill. Then, they can walk on the level 
to the doors at either end of the building and be carried 
to the main floor on one of the dozen elevators which are 
provided. 

Beneath that immense terrace stair-case space has been 
utilized to good advantage. More than a hundred well 
lighted and heated rooms were used for committee rooms, 
before the marble annexes were completed. They are now 
utilized by the employes of the Capitol, and also for stor¬ 
age purposes. 


ON THE EAST FRONT. 

Standing on the portico of the East Front of the Capitol, 
we have before us the Capitol Plaza, on the other side of 
which stands the Library of Congress with its gold-covered 
dome. Previous to the erection of that Library, the little 


8 


Hindu Temple of Taj-Mahal was admitted to be the most 
beautiful building in the world; but the Library across the 
Plaza now takes the palm, for it is unquestionably the 
most beautiful building in the world. 

This Capitol building, the beauties and magnificence of 
which we are about to see, stands upon the brow of a hill, 
has a parkage of sixty acres, and is the most imposing 
public building on earth. 

You have read in some newspapers that the President¬ 
elect is inaugurated “on the'East Front of the Capitol;” 
but that is not true. The news writers who are exact will 
tell you that there is a platform built, beginning on the 
East Front top step, extending out two hundred feet into 
the Plaza, sloping down to within ten feet of the ground; 
and away out there, two hundred feet east of this East 
Front, the President-elect goes and meets the Chief Justice 
of the Supreme Court of the United States, from him re¬ 
ceives the oath of office, and then he delivers his inaugural 
address. 

On the Fourth of March there are no leaves on the trees, 
and upward of fifty thousand people, thronging the Plaza, 
although they cannot hear the inaugural address, can see 
their President inaugurated and can tell it when they re¬ 
turn home. If he were inaugurated on the East Front, 
comparatively few people could see him, and almost none 
could hear his address. 


THE MARBLE ANNEXES. 

Over on the north side of the Plaza you see a large 
marble building, and there is another one on the south 
side. Each one of these buildings covers an entire block 
of ground, and each building cost $3,500,000, a total of 
$7,000,000. 


9 


Once there was a man in high position who talked about 
“race suicide” in our country. He might have said less if 
he had known that the growth in population of our Re¬ 
public made those immense marble buildings necessary, 
because the increased volume of business from our con¬ 
stantly increasing population made the immense Capitol 
too small for the national workshop. There was not room 
enough in the great Capitol for the Senators and Repre¬ 
sentatives to handle the tons of mail which came to them. 

These marble buildings are the Senate Annex on the 
north and the House Annex on the south side of the Plaza. 
Visually they are separate from the Capitol, but actually 
they are parts of the original building, with which they 
are connected by tunnels, or subways, as wide as the East 
Front Portico. These tunnels are used as the corridors are 
used. In the Senate tunnel there is a little railway for 
the statesmen of the Senate. This is because there are 
more elderly statesmen in the Senate than in the House 
of Representatives. 

THE ROGERS BRONZE DOORS. 

Standing on the Portico of the East Front, turning to 
the Capitol entrance, we come to the Rogers Bronze Doors, 
the best and largest bronze doors on any public building 
in the world. Of course, we all know that the Baptistry 
Doors at Florence, Italy, are larger than the Rogers Doors; 
but they are not on a public building. That is a sacred 
edifice. 

On the left of the great door case you see the inscrip¬ 
tion: “Designed and modeled by Randolph Rogers, 1858.” 

They are the product of an American brain. Rogers was 
a young American art student in Rome when he designed 
and modeled the doors. The work of the artist is perfect. 




10 


Fortunately, the casting also is perfect, and was done in 
the best bronze foundry in the world, in 1860, that of Fritz 
Von Miller, in Munich, Bavaria. The doors were placed 
in their present position in 1865, at a cost of $28,500, and 
they weigh approximately ten tons. Being the largest and. 
the most perfect and the best, the Rogers Doors comport 
well with the magnificent Capitol building. 

On the four corners of the door casings are depicted the 
four continents. The crowned head, of course represents 
Europe. Above it is a good type of Asia. On the opposite 
side is a type of Africa, and beneath it is a strong type 
of America. Above the transom is a bust of Columbus. 

On the sides of the doors are sixteen statuettes of par¬ 
ticipants in the development of the New World. In the 
centers of the doors are the heads of six of the celebrated 
historians of that period. 

On the panels are scenes from the life of Columbus. 
The lower panel on the left or south door represents 
Columbus before the council of Salamanca soliciting aid, 
which was denied him. The panel above shows Columbus 
before the convent La Ribida, where he received a letter 
of commendation from Father Perez, to Queen Isabella, 
whose father confessor he had been. The panel above 
shows Columbus before the Queen and King consort, from 
whom he received the appropriation with which he is seen 
on the top panel, departing on his first voyage. 

On the entablature is a splendid art work of the Land¬ 
ing of Columbus The top panel of the right side or north 
door is a picture of Columbus departing from America 
bearing with him natives to prove his dis'covery. The 
panel below represents his royal reception at Barcelona. 
The next panel depicts his recall and arrest on false 
charges. The lower panel depicts the death of Columbus 


11 

in prison at Valladolid, receiving the last rites of his 
church. 

The marvelous attention to detail on every inch and pin 
point of these doors, and their perfect casting, gives them 
the front rank among all bronze art-work doors on public 
buildings. 


THE ROTUNDA. 

Passing through the Rogers Doors, we enter the Capitol 
Rotunda, and stand beneath the grandest dome in the 
world. It is one hundred feet in diameter and one hun- 
lred and eighty feet from floor to canopy. The Rotunda 
is aptly termed “Uncle Sam’s big reception room,” for here 
all cf the guests of the Republic come. 

Let us turn to the left and approach the large painting 
of “The Baptism of Pocahontas.” After admiring this ex¬ 
cellent work of modern art, let us turn about and look at 
the other large paintings. Opposite to us, on the right, is 
“The Embarkation of the Pilgrims;” next is “The Land¬ 
ing of Columbus,” and next “The Discovery of the Mis¬ 
sissippi River.” These four paintings cost $12,000 each. 
They are worth the money which they cost, and are also 
worthy of the niches they fill in the great Rotunda. 

But these four paintings are out of the imaginations of 
the artists, and they are secondary to the paintings on the 
west side of the Rotunda, the Trumbull paintings, which 
cost only $8,000 each. The Trumbull paintings represent 
actual events, just as they did occur, and they are not out 
of the imagination of the artists. 

Colonel John Trumbull was present and sketched “The 
Declaration of Independence,” right on the spot in Inde¬ 
pendence Hall, on July 4th, 1776. This painting had the 
approval of Thomas Jefferson and all of the surviving 


12 


members of the Continental Congress. These are good 
likenesses of them, and this great painting is beyond price. 

Trumbull’s painting of “The Surrender of General Bur- 
goyne, at Saratoga,” is from a sketch made on the battle¬ 
field, and it also is historically correct and had the appro¬ 
val of many surviving officers of the American Army. 

“The Surrender of Lord Cornwallis, at Yorktown,” is 
also one of Trumbull’s works historically exact. It repre¬ 
sents General Lincoln, in the center, conducting the de¬ 
feated British troops between the lines of their conquerors, 
the Americans on the right, and the French on the left. 
Washington sits on his horse beneath the American flag, 
and the Count de Rochambeau on the left beneath the 
, French flag. When the picture was shown to the Marquis 
de Lafayette, without comment, in 1824, he exclaimed; 
“That is what occurred at Yorktown.” 

The fourth of the Trumbull paintings represents “Gen¬ 
eral Washington Resigning his Commission as Commander- 
in-Chief of the Continental Armies.” The resignation was 
made to the Continental Congress, sitting in the State 
House at Annapolis, Maryland, December 23, 1783. This 
painting had the approval of Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, 
and of many other participants in or witnesses of the events 
If you should visit Annapolis to-day you will find that it 
appears precisely as it does in that painting. The little 
old gallery is still there in which Martha Washington 
stood, with her three daughters by a former marriage. 

These Trumbull paintings, representing as they do ac¬ 
tual events and preserving for all time the beginning of 
the War of the Revolution in the Declaration of Independ¬ 
ence, the next great event, the capture of the British army 
of the North at Saratoga, then the capture of the British 
army of the South at Yorktown, and the close of the war, 
when Washington finally withdrew from military service as 


13 


Commander of the Revolutionary armies, are the most val¬ 
uable paintings in the possession of the Government and 
are beyond computation as to value. No amount of money 
nor treasure could purchase them. 

THE WEST FRONT. 

Standing on the portico of the West Front of the Capitol, 
you see the best embowered city in the world. To the 
right is the glass-roofed Pension Office. That is a large 
rectangle, enclosing the largest hall in northwest Washing¬ 
ton. Every four years all of the desks and papers in that 
immense hall are taken out and stored away, so that on 
the night of March Fourth, on Inauguration Day, that Pen¬ 
sion Office Hall may be used for the inaugural ball. 

The church, with two minarets for steeples, is the First 
Presbyterian Church, the pastor of which, Rev. Dr. Sun¬ 
derland, went to the White House one evening and married 
Grover Cleveland, aged 51, to Miss Frances Folsom, aged 
23; and it is said that they lived happily ever afterwards. 

The tall steeple is over the Metropolitan Methodist Epis¬ 
copal Church, where President Grant worshiped eight 
years and President McKinley worshiped for more than 
four years. 

Before us is Pennsylvania Avenue, the main thorough¬ 
fare of the National Capital City. That granite building 
with tower and clock is the Post Office Department. The 
marble building, with the dome, is the New Art Museum. 
That tall shaft, 555 feet high, is the Washington Monu¬ 
ment. That brown sandstone building with tower and flag 
is over the celebrated Smithsonian Institution. That tall 
chimney to the left is over the Bureau of Engraving and 
Printing, where all of our paper money is made. To the 
left of that tall chimney, far over on the Virginia hillside, 


14 


is a colonial mansion, with a flag waving over it. That 
mansion was formerly the home of Colonel Robert E. Lee, 
of the United States Army. He gave up his rank, and his 
splendid home overlooking the city, to go into the Con¬ 
federacy, and become the miltary chieftain of that cause. 

About one mile to the left of Arlington you see three tall 
skeleton towers. Those towers constitute the key of the 
wireless telegraph system of the Navy Department. Simi¬ 
lar towers have been erected all along the Atlantic coast, 
from Panama to Labrador. Great Britain has erected simi¬ 
lar towers on the west coast of Ireland and at Gibraltar. 
Portugal and France have cooperated. That wireless sys¬ 
tem covers the Atlantic ocean. There can be no ocean 
* disaster without every one afloat and ashore knowing of 
the fact. 

Moreover, that system extends west to San Francisco; 
to the Hawaiian Islands, the Island of Guam, and the 
Philippines, thus going all around the world. With a key 
and operator in the White House, the President is in in¬ 
stant communication with Panama and the Philippines, 
through the air. And yet there are some folks who say 
that they cannot believe in miracles. 

There is Pennsylvania Avenue, the finest parade ground 
to be found in any capital city on earth, a mile and a quar¬ 
ter in length, and one hundred and six feet wide from curb 
to curb. There all of the inaugural parades are displayed 
before the eyes of the civilized world, through the eyes of 
the ambassadors and ministers of the nations of the 
world. 

The inaugural parades are expensive, and should be 
more expensive and elaborate every four years. They 
make for the peace of the world. There the ambassadors 
and ministers see our Army and Navy. They see the 
cavalry, the infantry and artillery; an Army disciplined, 


15 


drilled, panoplied and equipped for war. They see our 
cadets from West Point and Annapolis, marching with 
clock-like precision, the finest bodies of drilled, trained, 
and educated young soldiers and sailors on earth. Their 
alignment and manoeuvers are perfect. The diplomats 
know that these young men are to be the commanders of 
our Armies and Navies of the future. They see one State 
out of forty-eight, Pennsylvania, sending a complete army 
corps equipped and ready for the field. They know that 
all of the wealth and population of this Republic are back 
of our military and naval equipment. These ambassadors 
and ministers send word to their home governments, their 
kings, queens, emperors, or presidents that they not only 
saw this demonstration of strength and preparedness, but 
that they heard Uncle Sam quietly whispering in their 
ears, indirectly but firmly: “Keep your hands off of the 
Ark of American Liberty, lest ye die!” 

STATUARY HALL. 

Leaving the West Front of the Capitol, we walk through 
the narrow corridor back to and through the Rotunda, pass¬ 
ing out the south door and into Statuary Hall, commonly, 
but erroneously called the Hall of Fame. 

This Hall was originally the Hall of the House of Rep¬ 
resentatives, and that body held its sessions here between 
1807 and 1857, a period of fifty years. The growth of the 
country in population caused increases in the number of 
Representatives every ten years, until at last this Hall be¬ 
came too small. The larger Hall of the House of Represen¬ 
tatives was built, and then this was made Statuary Hall, 
each State having the right to send here two statues of 
its most distinguished citizens. 

There are several remarkable echoes in this Hall, which 


16 


the Capitol guides demonstrate to their guests. Probably 
the most remarkable one of them all is the one over the 
marble block on which you see the bronze tablet marking 
the place where former President John Quincy Adams sat 
as a member of the House, and where he fell on his desk 
and died, after answering a roll call, February 21, 1848. 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

On the way from Statuary Hall to the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives we come to a great mural painting on the west 
wall above the grand marble staircase. It is called “West¬ 
ward Ho.” The painting depicts the struggles and priva- 
'tions of the pioneers who worked their way across the 
Continent, all the way to the Pacific Ocean. On a panel 
beneath the great picture is a glimpse of the ocean, the 
Golden Gate, the Bay of San Francisco. 

This mural painting demonstrates for all time that the 
conquest of this Continent was not a holiday picnic, but a 
fierce battle with hostile Indians and rugged resisting 
nature. 

When the House is not in session, w r e can go to the 
south side of the Hall and enter the Speaker’s Lobby. In 
that long corridor we may see the pictures of all the 
Speakers who have presided over the House of Represen¬ 
tatives from the beginning of our Government, when Fred¬ 
erick Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, was elected Speaker 
of the House in the first Congress. 

To the south of the Speaker’s Lobby is a long corridor 
named the Gold Room, because of its decorations, but it 
is better known in modern times as the Smoking Room, 
because for that purpose it is used almost exclusively. 

At either end of this room there is a Bierstadt painting. 
On the east wall is a picture entitled “Discovery of the 


17 


Hudson River,” and on the west wall another large paint¬ 
ing called ‘‘Landing of the Spaniards at Monterey, Cali¬ 
fornia, in 1601.” These two paintings are in the best style 
of Bierstadt, elaborate, but careful in all matter of detail, 
and they are marvels of history art. 

Near the ‘‘Discovery of the Hudson,” on the north wall 
of the Smoking Room, there is a weather map, and it is 
made anew every morning by an expert from the Weather 
Bureau, so that the Representatives may see at a glance 
what is the condition of the weather at their homes. 

Now let us go onto the floor of the Hall of the House of 
Representatives. Here is the largest legislative hall in 
the world, the French Chamber of Deputies being next to 
it. On the platform on the south side is the Chair of the 
Speaker, the presiding officer, who is elected by the ma¬ 
jority party every two years, when the new Congresses 
begin their terms of active service. 

The marble desk before that of the Speaker is the 
Clerk’s Desk, and is used by the Clerk of the House, his 
assistants, and the reading clerks. In the center of the 
Clerk’s Desk the Chaplain stands while delivering his daily 
invocation. 

The marble desk on the floor is the desk used by the 
stenographers. The mahogany desks at either end are 
used by the press associations. 

The main aisle in the center of the Hall divides the two 
leading parties, the Republicans being on the west and the 
Democrats on the east side of the Hall. 

Above the desk of the Speaker is the Press Gallery, and 
it is set apart for the use of special correspondents of daily 
newspapers. They give accurate and reliable accounts of 
what things are done by the Representatives from the 
States in which their jpapers circulate. Their reports are 
always reliable, although public opinion to the contrary 


18 


has been in vogue. The newspaper correspondent who 
sends to his managing editor any statement of alleged fact 
which is not true will be discharged. This statement can¬ 
not be made too emphatically and earnestly. 

The members of the House of Representatives are men 
known at their homes to be honorable men. No man can 
get a nomination in your home district unless he is square 
and upright. No man can go into State primaries and 
ask to be elected to the United States Senate if there is 
any stain upon his record. The writer hereof has known 
and dealt with statesmen for upward of forty years, and 
he states most emphatically that Senators and Represen¬ 
tatives in the American Congress are honorable men of 
whom our people have ample reason to be proud. 

Now, before leaving the Hall of the House, please note 
the companion portraits on either side of the Speaker’s 
Chair. They are pictures of George Washington, by John 
Vanderlyn, an American artist, and Lafayette, by Ary 
Scheffer, a French artist. Note that they are posed alike. 
They are good likenesses. Lafayette personally stated that 
this portrait was a good likeness of himself.. 

We will go now to the elevator and view the Hall of 
the House from the gallery. Passing around the gallery 
corridor we come to a large painting of Abraham Lincoln 
and the War Cabinet. 

The painting was made in the White House immediately 
after the promulgation of the Proclamation of Emancipa¬ 
tion, and when it was completed it had the approval of 
President Lincoln, and it is the only picture of Abraham 
Lincoln which has the approval of Lincoln himself; there¬ 
fore it is of inestimable value. 

On the left, sitting with his arm on the back of his chair 
is the great War Secretary, Edwin M. Stanton. Standing 
next to him is the Secretary of the Treasury, Salmon P. 






19 


Chase, afterwards Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. 
President Lincoln you see in the picture, as he appeared 
at that historic time. The elderly gentleman, back of the 
table, is Gideon Wells, Secretary of the Navy. Next to 
him are Caleb Smith, Secretary of the Interior and Mont¬ 
gomery Blair, Postmaster General. Sitting at the end of 
the table, leaning upon it is Attorney General Bates. On 
the side of the table nearest the student is the great Secre¬ 
tary of State, William H. Seward. It was he who was so 
far-sighted as to purchase Alaska from Russia; and he was 
bitterly denounced by many earnest individuals, who be¬ 
lieved that it was a wanton waste o fmoney to buy “that 
chunk of ice,” as it was then regarded. 

After Frank Carpenter had completed the picture, he 
tried in vain to sell it to Congress; but he could scarcely 
get even a fair hearing before any committee. So he took 
his canvas back to the home of his father, in New York, 
and laid it away. He was almost broken-hearted, because 
he knew that he had a rare and valuable work of art, but 
nobody seemed to appreciate it. 

Fifteen years elapsed when Mrs. Elazabeth Thompson, 
of Hartford, Connecticut, read a fugitive newspaper para¬ 
graph about the lost Lincoln picture. She became inter¬ 
ested. She sought and found Frank Carpenter. She 
bought the painting for $25,000. Then she brought it to 
Washington and put it in the everlasting black walnut 
frame where it is now. Then she had the frame gilded. 
Finally, at an expense of almost $30,000, Mrs. Elizabeth 
Thompson presented the picture to the Congress, and re¬ 
ceived the official thanks of that legislative body. 

THOMAS JEFFERSON'S STATUE. 

Walking down the great marble staircase we come to 
the floor of the House of Representatives, and in the corri- 



20 


dor at the foot of the stairs we see a magnificent statue 
of Thomas Jefferson by Hiram Powers, the sculptor of the 
Greek Slave. Ladies, look at the buttonholes worked in 
marble. You cannot improve on them in cloth. This is a 
great work of art. 


LENGTH AND STRENGTH OF THE CAPITOL 


Now we go downstairs to the ground floor and see the 
length and strength of the building. We come to the 
House Restaurant, which is a double restaurant. One 
large room is “For Members Only,” as the placard reads. 
On the other side of it is a room labeled “Public Restau¬ 
rant.” There you can find accommodations, at reasonable 
prices, and many people dine there. 

As we pass along the corridor we notice two completely 
equipped barber shops. In one of them you can get a Re¬ 
publican and in the other a Democratic shave. 

Here we are in the longest corridor in any public build¬ 
ing in the world. From the north door to the south door 
is a distance of 751 feet. Here we can well afford to wait 
a few minutes until all of the people pass out of sight, 
and there you see that wonderful vista, the full length of 
the Capitol. If you will only wait a few minutes, no mat¬ 
ter how crowded it may be, the crowd aways disappears, 
and the vista is revealed. 

Now, let us traverse the corridor of the Crypt. Here, 
on the floor, in the center of the Capitol, is a marble star, 
with all of the points of the compass. This is the center 
of Washington City, as originally planned. Beneath this 
star is the catafalque, where the tomb of Washington 
should be, and that of Martha, his wife. It was the pur¬ 
pose of George Washington and it was the written will of 
Martha Washington that they should be buried here, so 









21 


that, through openings above, the visitors for all time 
might view their last resting place. 

Now, look at the strength of this building. This house 
is like unto that of which the Bible speaks, for it “is 
founded on a rock.” So great was the weight that was 
intended to be built up here, that building from the surface 
ground up would have been unwise. These immense pillars 
around us, and the groined arches and walls, hold up about 
nine million pounds of structural steel and iron above us 
in the most wonderful dome of any public building on 
earth. In other words, there are four thousand five hun¬ 
dred tons of dead weight over our heads, but we are per¬ 
fectly safe because “this house is built upon a rock.” Look 
again at the pillars and realize that no Samson can ever 
shake the pillars of this temple; our temple of Liberty. 

CORNSTALKS AND CORN. 

Turning aside in the little air shaft, we come to the en¬ 
trance to the Law Library of the Supreme Court. This is 
a small but beautiful corridor. Here is made visible a 
thought of Thomas Jefferson. He believed that all of the 
pillars in our public buildings should be made in imitation 
of corn stalks and corn. When this part of the original 
Capitol was built, Jefferson was influential enough to have 
his idea prevail. This little corridor is beautiful, and it is 
an emblem of Jefferson’s patriotism and love of country. 

From here we go along the north end of the long corri¬ 
dor, and we begin to see the work of Brumidi. 

CONSTANTINO BRUMIDI, PATRIOT PAINTER. 

You will be surprised when told that in this new world, 
where art is but in its infancy, we have the most wonder* 
fully decorated Capitol in the world. But it is true, 



22 


Before showing you his work please listen to the story 
of the life of the artist. Constantino Brumidi was born in 
Italy, educated in Rome, and when only thirteen years old 
was recognized in Rome, the world’s center of learning, 
as a budding genius; for at that tender age, he was ad¬ 
mitted to the Academy of Arts in Rome. When twenty- 
seven years of age he was selected by an art commission 
to decorate the Vatican, and worked there for years. So, 
you see, the man was recognized in the highest cfc’cle of 
intelligence as being a superior artist. 

When about forty years of age, Brumidi threw away 
his brush and his great career, declaring that he would 
never paint another stroke until he had found liberty. Be¬ 
cause of an indignity suffered by a member of his family, 
he became a revolutionary soldier and fought in vain for 
liberty. When almost fifty years old he was banished from 
Italy and came to America. Here he found liberty, and 
became an intensely patriotic citizen. The remaining 
thirty years of his life he devoted to making beautiful the 
Capitol. 

When his merit was disclosed fame and fortune sought 
him. Thousands of dollars were his for the taking. He 
refused all allurements in these words: “I have no longer 
any desire for fame or fortune. My one ambition and my 
daily prayer is that I may live long enough to make beau¬ 
tiful the Capitol of the one country on earth in which there 
is liberty.” 

His prayer was answered, and he did live long enough 
to make this Capitol the most wonderfully decorated on 
earth. 

Please note this fact. Brumidi was not greater than 
others in any one line; but he was the most versatile artist 
in the world, because he was great in all lines. 

As a designer alone he is entitled to a place in history 






23 


and fame. But we shall soon see that Brumidi was great 
in all lines, in that he was a designer, decorator, portrait 
painter, fresco artist, master of the Romanesque, Vene¬ 
tian, Pompeiian, Moorish, and Egyptian styles; also a 
painter of animals, birds, flowers, fruits, medallions, and 
all forms of life, and he did scenic and marine work well. 

Now, as we pass the Senate Restaurant, which is also 
a double restaurant, and one of the finest in the land, we 
come to a grand corridor designed and decorated by Bru¬ 
midi, called the Moorish Corridor. You look above and 
around you and have a reminder of old Grenada. Look at 
the little masterpieces, also on the walls, with wonderful 
perspectives. 

Note the fact that modern artists want you to stand 
away five, ten, or twenty feet to view their work. Here 
you may look at Brumidi’s work on the ceiling, forty feet 
away, or you may go to those little scenic works and look 
at them with a microscope, for they are perfect in every 
matter of detail. 

Now let us pass down this small corridor to the Com¬ 
mittee .on Appropriations. On the sides of this short corri¬ 
dor are works of art worth viewing carefully. They show 
you Brumidi as a painter of animals. Then in the long 
corridor by the Committee Room you see that he was a 
painter of birds. Overhead in one panel you see Brumidi 
as a scenic artist, and in the panel alongside of it proof 
that he was also a great marine artist. 

Now, leek through the screen doors at the ceiling of the 
Committee Room and observe that the same man gives us 
a beautiful exhibition of Egyptian art. All of this is of 
Brumidi’s designing and of his skilled decorating. 

Only a few steps to the north we come to Brumidi’s 
Pompeiian Corridor, entirely different in style from the 
Moorish and Egyptian art. Look at the Pompeiian blues 


24 


in those panels, and realize that they have been there 
more than fifty years, and they are as fresh as when they 
were placed there by the hand of the master. 

Look at that corridor, and as you walk along see that 
Brumidi painted there garlands of flowers, baskets of 
fruit, and medallions of the heads of the signers of the 
Declaration of Independence. Please lightly touch these 
medallions with your own hands, and thus realize that 
they are not raised work; not relievos. Unless you touch 
them you cannot believe that they are flat work. Viewing 
the entire corridor from end to end, reminds one of the 
corridors of the Vatican Library. 


PATENT CORRIDOR. 

At the east end of this corridor, see Brumidi’s great pic¬ 
ture of the “Palisades of the Hudson.” There is Robert 
Fulton, his boat, the Clermont, DeWitt Clinton on an easel, 
and the Palisades of the Hudson. On one occasion the 
writer heard Brumidi say, half wearily, “I hope that I may 
live to finish my Palisades.” When asked what remained 
to be done, Brumidi said: “The Palisades are not dark 
enough and the perspective is not strong enough.” That 
is true, but the painting is complete enough to show that 
he was a great scenic artist. 

The doors of two committee rooms before us are closed. 
Originally those rooms were occupied by the Committee 
on Patents, and this is Brumidi’s Patent Corridor. There 
you see a portrait of the inventor of the steamboat. Over 
the door to your left is a picture of the discoverer of elec¬ 
tricity. Opposite to Franklin is Fitch, who invented a 
steamboat when Fulton invented his. But when Fulton 
received all of the credit, the mind of Fitch became 
affected, as is disclosed by the artist on that face. 







25 


Next we take the elevator and go to the Senate floor 
and visit the Public Reception Room of the Senate. Here 
is a beautifully decorated room, designed and decorated 
by Brumidi. On the south side of the wall you see Bru¬ 
midi as a portrait painter. There are Washington and 
Jefferson seated, and Alexander Hamilton standing. On 
either side of the portraits you see Brumidi as a fresco 
artist. Travelers point to that little cherub in the left 
corner as one of the strongest bits of fresco work in the 
world. It stands out like carved work. 

Directly overhead we see some marvelous decorative 
work, and on the ceiling at the north end of the room you 
see that Brumidi was great as a Romanesque artist. In 
this room alone you see Brumidi was a great designer, 
decorator, portrait painter, and Romanesque artist. 

You have already seen him as a designer of great corri¬ 
dors, a painter of the Moorish, Egyptian, and Pompeiian 
styles of art; a painter of birds, fruits, flowers, medallions, 
scenic and marine work. But this is not all. 

Brumidi decorated numerous large committee rooms 
after the Venetian style, as you will see over the transom 
there, on the ceiling of the room of the Committee on the 
District of Columbia. Look at that ceiling. Look at those 
shields, and realize that they are not raised work. Look 
at the scroll around the chandelier, and realize that it is 
not raised work. And now you have seen with your own 
eyes that Brumidi is all that was claimed for him at the 
outset; and this is not all. His greatest work is yet to 
be seen. Like the wine furnished at the wedding at Cana 
of Galilee, the best is reserved for the last. 

We now go to the Senate Lobby, and there we look into 
the room of the Vice-President of the United States. 
Ladies will never forget the chandelier; but remember 
the commandment: “Thou shaft not covet.” 


26 


From here we pass into the Marble Room, the private 
reception room of Senators, where they receive their 
guests, and where they cannot be interrupted. This is 
called the Marble Room because, as you see, it is all 
marble; walls, columns, ceilings, door cases, window cases, 
mantlepiece; all marble is the Marble Room. 

Now, stand on one side of the room, and see the endless 
corridors of the Marble Room. Two splendid mirrors, per¬ 
fectly poised, reflect and re-reflect the chandeliers far be¬ 
yond the ability of the eye to follow them and count their 
number. This is something in optics well worth seeing 
and remembering. 

THE PRESIDENT’S ROOM 

This is the most beautifully decorated office room in the 
world. Here you see Brumidi at his best. Here again he 
is a designer, a decorator, a portrait painter, and a fresco 
artist. The work in this room was completed just in time 
for the first inauguration of President Lincoln. He was 
the first President to use this room, and he was the first 
President to use that table. That is a relic of the martyr 
President, the Lincoln Table. The panels are manifestly 
after the style of the throne room at Fontainbleu. 

The home and offices of the President are in the White 
House, and he seldom comes to the Capitol; only on offi¬ 
cial business. But when he does come to the Capitol, he 
comes to the kind of a room that all of our people want 
him to have, the best on earth. 

You note how appropriate is the designing of Brumidi. 
He gives us a grand painting of the first President, and 
in the panels on the walls he has given us good likenesses 
of all the members of the Cabinet of the first President. 

On the wonderful ceiling just above the mirror on the 


27 


north wall, is the picture of Religion in which Brumidi 
said he intended to demonstrate the basis of all religion, 
the all-seeing eye of God. And he succeeded. The veiled 
lady in that picture will follow you all around the room, 
not only with her eyes; but the entire picture is perfect 
perspective and fore-shortening. Walk slowly about the 
room, and see with your own eyes that the all-seeing eye 
of God is there demonstrated allegorically by the mar¬ 
velous Brumidi. 


SUPREME COURT ROOM 

Now we must leave the President’s Room, although 
many visitors have declared that it is too beautiful to 
leave. We pass in these corridors the marble busts of 
former Vice-Presidents who have presided over the Sen¬ 
ate. Opposite the main entrance to the Senate Chamber 
there stands an old clock with a beautifully carved ma¬ 
hogany frame, grandfather style; a clock which has been 
keeping time for the Senate for more than a full century, 
and it is still in good condition and keeping good time. 
On the shield are carved seventeen stars. They represent 
the seventeen States of the Union at that time. Now we 
have almost three times as many States, and our popula¬ 
tion has increased from five millions to one hundred mil¬ 
lions, and the old clock will probably be there marking 
time when another century shall have rolled away. 

Now, as we walk southward and enter a small corridor 
we step over a corrugated door mat. This is the north 
front of the original Capitol building. You see the door¬ 
way entering the Rotunda, just beyond the circular air 
shaft. Well, this door-mat marks the north door and we 
are approaching the south door of the original Capitol, 
the corner stone of which was laid by George Washington, 


28 


September 18, 1793. From this beginning, the Capitol has 
grown with the growth of our constantly growing country. 

This beautiful room on our left is the Supreme Court 
Chamber. This was originally the Senate Chamber, and 
was occupied by the Senate during a period of sixty years, 
from 1800 to 1860. Then the new Senate Chamber was 
completed and occupied, and this old Senate Chamber was 
set apart for the uses of the Supreme Court. 

Right beneath the clock, in the center of the “Supreme’ 
Bench,” as it is usually called, the Chief Justice sits. 
There are eight Associate Justices, and four of them sit 
on each side of the Chief Justice. Those nine men, learned 
in the law, constitute the highest court of our Republic, 
the court of last resort. 

Now as we re-enter the Rotunda, where we began our 
tour of the Capitol, you will observe that we have re¬ 
served “the best wine until the last.” Let us stand to 
the left of this entrance, with our backs to the wall, be¬ 
cause this is a good view point for the great Canopy above 
us. Away up there 180 feet from the floor, painted on a 
copper bowl 65 feet in diameter, with a concavity of 21 
feet, you see Brumidi’s “Spirit of Washington.” 

There you see almost 5,000 square feet of the best 
Romanesque art work in the world. Every stroke of the 
brush on that immense surface was made with scientific 
accuracy, to be seen at a distance of 180 to 201 feet. So 
perfect is the work that it does not seem to be more than 
100 feet from us. 

And now please walk across the Rotunda almost to the 
south side, and look at Brumidi’s last work the fresco 
frieze work 75 feet from the floor. That is not statuary, 
nor raised work. It is as flat as the floor on which we 
stand, and yet a majority of the people believe it to be 
statuary until told the contrary. 




29 


This work will be better appreciated after you have 
traveled and seen the great frescoes depicting “The 
Triumphs of Napoleon,” in the wonderful cathedral at 
Milan, Italy. There is where Brumidi caught the idea for 
this great circle, “The Triumphs of America.” 

Particular attention is invited to the last fresco, “Dis¬ 
covery of Gold in California.” The last figure is that of a 
man with a pan of gold in his hands, his foot resting on 
a rock, the pan on his bended knee. Now turn from that 
to the beginning of the work, “The Landing of Columbus.” 
To the left of that fresco you see that same figure of a 
man with bended knee; but it is almost blotted out. 

There is evidence that Brumidi had carefully calculated 
the exact measurement of the circle. His cartoons were 
made to entirely circle the Rotunda but he did not live to 
finish the great work. 

But as the tireless patriotic painter was nearing the 
close of his life he did not live to finish the work which 
he had outlined. He produced the “Landing of Columbus,” 
“Cortez entering Mexico,” “Pizarro with the Sword Con¬ 
quering Peru,” “The Midnight Burial of DeSoto,” “Poca¬ 
hontas Saving the Life of Captain John Smith,” “The 
Landing of the Pilgrims,” and “Penn’s Treaty with the 
Indians.” 

Please note particularly the last mentioned picture, 
where you see a man kneeling by a chest. Over the heads 
of those figures on the left is a dark background. In the 
left of the picture you can see the faces and even the 
lineaments of the faces of the Indians. On the right, 
you can barely make out that they have faces, and the 
third Indian on the right seems to be without a face at all. 

Brumidi’s successor was a good man, a good citizen, a 
sincere worker; but he was not in Brumidi’s class. He 
did not comprehend that Brumidi had scientifically cal- 


30 


culated the space by feet and inches; and thus he made 
the great mistake of crowding the work. Every fresco 
made by him is crowded, lacks back-ground, perspective 
and fore-shortening, and reflects upon the ability of the 
good man who tried to finish Brumidi’s work; but tried in 
vain. 

Brumidi kept everlastingly at his work until within 
three weeks of his death. One morning he slipped from 
his ladder, away up there seventy-five feet from the floor. 
He was rescued. He did not fall to the floor as mis-in- 
formed persons have said. But, the shock was so great 
that, because of his advanced age, it hastened his death. 
Otherwise, we might have had that entire circle completed 
by his master hand. 

The best fresco artist then known was selected to finish 
his cartoons, with the result demonstrating that Brumidi 
was matchless. 

That the name of Brumidi and the story of his wonder¬ 
ful work have not been known to the American people is 
due to lack of appreciation, and to the fact that there has 
been no one with time and acquaintance with his work to 
tell the people about it. Hereafter you and I and our 
friends will tell the story, and before long all of our school 
children shall know and take pride in the fact that we 
have the most wonderfully decorated Capitol in the world, 
and that we owe it to the patriot painter, Constantino 
Brumidi. 


THE SENATE CHAMBER 

When the Congress is in session the Senate and the 
House of Representatives convene at noon, and to the 
Senate we will now go. Taking the elevator to the gallery 
floor, we first go to the north gallery and see the Moran 


31 


paintings. Here we have the picturesque in American 
scenery. There, standing near the window with our backs 
to the light, we see the “Chasm of the Colorado” and the 
“Grand Canon of the Yellowstone.” These are two of 
the best paintings of their character in the United States. 

Next we take a look at the “Electoral Commission.” In 
! the winter of 1876-77 the Congress was unable to deter¬ 
mine who had been elected President of the United States, 
Samuel J. Tilden or Rutherford B. Hayes. The Congress 
created an Electoral Commission, consisting of five mem- 
i bers of the Senate, five members of the House of Repre- 
j sentatives, and five Justices of the Supreme Court. That 
I Commission examined the law, facts, and evidence, and 
I concluded that the vote of the State of Florida should be 
cast for Hayes, and he was declared elected President, and 
was inaugurated. That trial brought to the Supreme 
1 Court room all of the distinguished men of that time. 

Mrs. Cornelia Adele Fassett, an artist of superior merit, 

, concluded to preserve the scene for all time, and you see 
what a splendid success she made of it. In this painting 
we have good likenesses of all the eminent men of that 
day, and they are thus preserved forever. 

On the way to the Senate Gallery we come to Powell’s 
immense canvass, “The Battle of Lake Erie.” There is 
a good likeness of Commodore Perry; a good likeness of 
' his little brother, Alexander Perry; a perfect reproduction 
of the Commodore’s cutter, in which they were rowed 
across Put-in-Bay from the sinking flagship on the left, the 
Lawrence, to the Niagara, on the right. They reached the 
Niagara in safety, made that the flagship and then won 
1 the great victory. This painting shows exactly what oc¬ 
curred during the battle. 

Now we enter the Senate Gallery; the Ladies’ Gallery. 
Opposite to us, back of the clock, is the Press Gallery of 





32 


the Senate. Beneath the clock, in the alcove, is the ma¬ 
hogany chair and desk of the Vice-President of the United 
States, who presides over the Senate, as the Speaker pre¬ 
sides over the House. 

The long desk is for the uses of the Secretary of the 
Senate, the Chief Clerk, and reading clerks. 

The little mahogany tables are for the stenographers, 
who take down in shorthand every word that is uttered 
in debate. Within an hour after a Senator makes a speech 
his utterances are in cold type at the Government Printing 
Office ready for publication on the following morning in 
the Congressional Record. 

Promptly at noon the Vice-President enters the Cham¬ 
ber, accompanied by the Chaplain. They ascend the dais, 
the Vice-President stopping beside the desk, the Chaplain 
ascending to the Vice-President’s place. The Vice-President 
with a small ivory gavel, strikes the desk once. All 
present immediately rise and stand while the Chaplain 
offers prayer. Upon the conclusion of the invocation, the 
Chaplain retires, the Vice-President assumes his chair, 
and says: 

“The Senate will be in order. The Secretary will read 
the journal of the last legislative day’s proceedings.” 

And the new legislative day is begun. 

BRUMIDI’S METHODS 

Many people inquire how it was possible for Brumidi 
to accomplish such an enormous amount of art work. The 
great designer and decorator prepared his colors accord¬ 
ing to methods known only to himself. They were mixed 
or triturated by employes under Brumidi’s direction. 
Leslie and others covered the walls with backgrounds, 
under Brumidi’s direction. Other near artists made out- 


S3 

lines according to directions of the tireless worker. But 
all of the artistic work was finished by the hand of the 
matchless Brumidi himself. 

THE WHITE-WALLED CITY 

Statistics demonstrate that the average family consists 
cf five individuals. In the Capitol, its annexes and the 
Library of Congress there are upwards of three thousand 
busy individuals when the Congress is in session. Five 
times three are fifteen; and thus you see that the Capitol 
is the nucleus of a city of fifteen thousand inhabitants. 

Really the Capitol is a White-Walled City; and it has 
j all of the appurtenances of a city of fifteen thousand in¬ 
i'; habitants. There are two of the best restaurants any- 
, where conducted where you can get everything from ice 
cream to oysters. There are local and long distance tele¬ 
phones. There are three public telegraph stations, besides 
, the telegraph stations in the two press galleries which 
do an enormous business in transmitting news matter. 
There are two great and wonderful debating societies, the 
Senate and House of Representatives. The two kitchens 
of the Senate and House restaurants are splendid bakeries 
j and pie factories. Two ministers of the gospel are Chap- 
'j lains of the legislative bodies. No city in this country 
| has such a newspaper publishing house as we have in the 
brilliant body of trained newspaper correspondents. 

Moreover, in this White-Walled City there is a perfectly 
I equipped blacksmith shop; a plumber’s establishment; a 
llfire department; a cabinet maker’s shop; a carpenter 
si shop; a hardware store; a drug store; two stationery 
j rooms where they have everything for sale that can be 
found in any stationery establishment in the world; two 
I document rooms in which are kept all of the bills intro- 




34 


. j 

duced in the Congress, and all reports made by commit¬ 
tees, for or against those bills; there is a library for the 
Senate, a library for the House and a library for the Su¬ 
preme Court; all of these in addition to the great Library 
of Congress which is a part of the Capitol, proper. 

HISTORY OF THE LIBRARY 

On April 24th, 1800, an appropriation of $5,000 was made | 
for fitting up a room for books, for the use of the Congress. I 
The Committee on the Library economically recommended } 
that “the 'Secretary of the Senate be directed to sell the 
trunks” in which the books had been brought to Washing- | 
ton. President Jefferson appointed John Beckley, of Yir- | 
ginia to be the First Librarian at a salary “not to exceed 1 
Two Dollars per diem for every day of necessary attend- | 
ance.” The appointment was made on January 26, 1802. J 
In April, 1802 Librarian Beckley made a report showing j 
that the Library contained “7 duodecimos, 581 octavos, 212 i 
folios, and 9 maps.” 

Rather a small beginning for what is now one of the 
grandest collections of literature and learning in the whole 
world. 

On August 24, 1814, the British soldiers burned the Capi- | 
tol, and destroyed the Library which had grown to val¬ 
uable proportions. On September 21, 1814, as soon as he 
learned the full extent of the British vandalism, Thomas I 
Jefferson offered his own magnificent Library to the Con- j 
gress, in a letter written at Monticello, by his own hand, 
addressed to Senator Robert Henry Goldsborough, Chair- 
man of the Committee on the Library, as follows: 

“I learn from the newspapers that the vandalism of 
our enemy has triumphed at Washington, over 
science as well as arts, by the destruction of the pub- 




35 


lie library, with the noble edifice in which it was de¬ 
posited. I presume that it will be among the early 
objects of the Congress to re-commence their collec¬ 
tion. This will be difficult while the war continues, 
and intercourse with Europe is attended by so much 
risk. You know my collection, its condition and ex¬ 
tent. I have been fifty years making it, and have 
spared no pains, opportunity or expense, to make it 
what it now is. While residing in Paris I devoted 
every afternoon when I was disengaged, for a sum¬ 
mer or two, in examining all the principal book 
stores, turning over every book with my own hands, 
and putting by everything which related to America, 
and, indeed, whatever was rare and valuable in every 
science; besides this, I had standing orders, during 
the whole time I was in Europe, in its principal book 
marts, principally Amsterdam, Frankfort, Madrid and 
London, for such works relating to America as could 
not be found in Paris. So that, in that department, 
particularly, such a collection was made as probably 
can never again be effected; because it is hardly 
probable that the same opportunities, the same time, 
industry, perseverance, and expense, with some 
knowledge of the bibliography of the subject, would 
happen again to be in concurrence. 

“During the same period, and after my return to 
America, I was led to procure also whatever related 
to the duties of those in the highest concerns of the 
nation; so that the collection, which I suppose is of 
between nine and ten thousand volumes, while it in¬ 
cludes what is chiefly valuable in science and litera¬ 
ture generally, extends more particularly to what¬ 
ever belongs to the American statesmen; in the 
diplomatic and parliamentary branches it is particu¬ 
larly full. 

“It is long since I have been sensible that it ought 
not to continue to be private property, and had pro¬ 
vided that, at my death, the Congress should have 
the refusal of it, at their own price; but the loss 
they have now incurred makes the present the proper 
moment for their accommodation, without regard to 
the small remnant of time and the barren use of my 


36 


enjoying it. I ask of your friendship, therefore, to 
make for me the tender of it to the Library Com¬ 
mittee of the Congress, not knowing myself of whom 
the Committee consists.” 

Thus, in addition to his many other deeds for his coun¬ 
try, the great Thomas Jefferson personally collated the 
priceless volumes which formed the nucleus cf our inde¬ 
scribably valuable Library of Congress. 

TRIBUTE TO COLUMBUS 

The western hemisphere, with all of its wealth and 
beauty; its mountains and valleys, its hills and rills, sweet 
dales and dells; its rivers, its brooks and lovers’ nooks; 
its limpid lakes, roaring cataracts, marvelous mesas and 
placid plains; its ice-peaked, snow-capped regal ranges, 
rock-ribbed cloud-piercing, everlasting; its boundless 
billowy prairies and vales of verdure, constituting a limit¬ 
less acreage of productively fertile soil which yields gen¬ 
erously and lavishly forever and a day; its well-nigh fabu¬ 
lous deposits of easily accessible gold, silver, copper, iron 
lead and all other of nature’s Olympian ores; its wonderful 
water powers, lighting and heating cities, plowing, plant¬ 
ing, reaping and even harvesting for the master of modern 
man, the farmer; its innumerable and incomparable fruits; 
its fairy-like, almost dream-land botanical floral gorgecus- 
ness; all and in all remained unknown to mankind and 
completely hidden from civilization during almost count¬ 
less centuries; and why? Because, out of the fleeting 
millions of those vanishing generations, the world’s civili¬ 
zation had produced and developed no man with heart 
large enough, no man with brain delicately-attuned enough, 
no man with imagination and knowledge enough, no man 
with arm long enough, no man with will mighty enough 



37 


to lift from the watery wastes, where God’s own hand had 
planted it, this last splendor of the earth’s surface. 

AND THEN CAME CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS! 

Every man is the intelligent artificer of a work which 
is not his own. Columbus did not know that his discovery 
was, in the will of the Almighty, the first foundation stone 
of an imperial republic, a land of real liberty, a nation of 
which this Capitol of ours is a visible expression of great¬ 
ness, goodness and power. 

In other histories the school pupils will learn of the 
battles with the Indians, the struggles of the English, 
French and Spanish for dominion in the new world. How 
unwise men in Great Britain fostered tryanny and injus¬ 
tice until the thirteen colonies issued their Declaration of 
Independence; how three million American back woods¬ 
men hurled their gage of defiance full in the face of the 
mightiest monarch in the world; how the brave armies of 
the new republic struggled; how “the ragged regimentals 
of the old continentals” followed Washington from the 
gloom and despair of Valley Forge to the ultimate victory 
on the blood-stained heights of Yorktown; and how the 
outcome of it all was this great, grand, noble land of lib¬ 
erty in which we have pride as being individual parts; 
and how we all gladly follow our flag. 

Truly there were giants in those days. While they were 
doing their wonderful works in business, science, explora¬ 
tion, discovery, legislation, protest, war, battles, and vic¬ 
tory, they were laying the firm foundations of this Repub¬ 
lic which has never been so well described as by Abraham 
Lincoln in his Gettysburg oration. 

The men who followed Washington, Jackson, Scott, Tay¬ 
lor, Lincoln, Grant, McKinley, Miles and other leaders 


38 


whose names glid and glorify the pages of history, 
were laying the foundation stones of this great Republic. 
Our institutions are based on the firm foundation of uni¬ 
versal Liberty; and that word means more in this self- 
governed country than it ever meant before. 

At the beginning the struggling colonies formed “Ar¬ 
ticles of Confederation,” which were intended to weld to¬ 
gether the people of those colonies, principally for defense 
against tyrannous aggression. But it soon became appar¬ 
ent to the wise men of that day that a confederacy was 
but “a rope of sand.” Consequently they dispensed with 
the confederacy and formulated a general government of 
“United” rather than “Confederated” States. 

The supreme law of the Republic was established, and 
it stands today, with some amendments which seemed to 
be made necessary by the occurrences of national and in¬ 
ternational importance in the experience of the passing 
years. 

“WASHINGTON, IN THE TERRITORY OF COLUMBIA” 

Those words were used as head-lines for an advertise¬ 
ment which was printed in the principal newspapers of 
this country during the month of March, 1792; a singular 
advertisement of which the following is a copy: 

“A premium of a lot in this city to be designated 
by impartial judges, and five hundred dollars, or a 
medal of that value at the option of the party, will be 
given by the Commissioners of the Federal Build¬ 
ings to the person who before the 15th of July, 1792, 
shall produce to them the most approved plan for a 
Capitol to be erected in this city; and two hundred 
and fifty dollars, or a medal, to the plan deemed next 
in merit to the one they may adopt. The building to 
be of brick and to contain the following apart- 




ments, to wit: a conference room, and a room for 
the Representatives, sufficient to accommodate three 
hundred persons each; a lobby or ante room to the 
latter; a Senate room of twelve hundred feet square 
area; an ante-chamber; twelve rooms of six hundred 
square feet each, for Committee rooms and clerks 
offices. It will be a recommendation of any plan if 
the central part of it may be detached and erected 
for the present with the appearance of a complete 
whole, and be capable of admitting the additional 
parts in the future, if they shall be wanted. Draw¬ 
ings will be expected to the ground plots, elevations 
of each front, and sections through the building in 
such directions as may be necessary to explain the 
internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet 
of brick work composing the whole mass of the 
walls.” 

That advertisement brought to the Commissioners six¬ 
teen plans of merit, all of them representing architectural 
effort of a high order. But Dr. Willian Thornton, an Eng¬ 
lish physician by education, but who had developed archi¬ 
tectural skill and who became the designer of the Phila¬ 
delphia Library, offered the plan which was ultimately ac¬ 
cepted. Washington praised the plans for “the grandeur, 
simplicity, and beauty of the exterior; the propriety with 
which the apartments are distributed, and economy in the 
whole mass of the structure.” 

President Washington so highly esteemed Dr. Thornton 
that he appointed him to the position of Commissioner 
of District and Federal Buildings. In that capacity he had 
supervisory control of the Capitol until 1802, when the 
office was abolished. 

Dr. William Thorntcn was not an ordinary man. He 
was a genius. Our great Capitol was conceived not in the 
brain of a professional architect, but a physician. Dr. 
Thornton was also a poet, artist, scholar and inventor. He 


40 


was the first Commissioner of Patents; and it was he who 
first collected the models of inventors and tabulated them. 
He was a companion and friend to the early Presidents. 
He drew the plans for some of the most attractive homes 
of the young capital city, among them one still used for 
exhibitions and celebrations, the “Octagon House,” which 
was the Executive Mansion for a time, after the British 
vandalism of 1814. 

On the afternoon of August 24, 1814, when British sol¬ 
diers were about to destroy the Patent Office, Dr. Thorn¬ 
ton rushed up to the British officer and, standing before 
the muzzle of a cannon trained upon the building, exclaim¬ 
ed: “As an Englishman born, I am ashamed of you. Are 
you Englishmen, or Goths and Vandals? This is the 
Patent Office, the depository of the inventive genius of 
America, in which the whole civilized world is concerned. 
Would you destroy it? If so, fire away, and let the charge 
pass through my body.” 

His courage and heroism saved that structure and its 
indescribably valuable contents. 

Although the corner stone of the Capitol was laid in 
1793, the Congress did not meet in Washington until No¬ 
vember 17, 1800. There was no quorum present until No¬ 
vember 21st. On the following day President John Adams 
visited the Senate and addressed that body briefly, saying 
that he desired to congratulate the Congress “on the pros¬ 
pect of a residence not to be changed.” The seat of gov¬ 
ernment had been moved from Philadelphia to York, 
Pennsylvania, to the City of New York, back to Philadel¬ 
phia, and at last to Washington in a Capitol Building for 
the legislative branch, and a White Hcuse for the Execu¬ 
tive branch of the government of the youthful republic. 


41 


THE TEMPORARY CAPITOL 

On September 19, 1814, the Congress was convened in 
extraordinary session by a Proclamation issued by Presi¬ 
dent James Madison. 

For the use of the Congress, Blodgett’s Hotel was rent¬ 
ed; and some stormy sessions were held there. Many 
statesmen earnestly favored the removal of the Seat of 
Government to some location farther from the Atlantic 
coast, so that no foreign foe might capture and destroy it, 
as the British troops had done, so recently. 

Blodgett’s Hotel was on Seventh Street, in northwest 
Washington, between E and F streets. Upon the site after¬ 
wards was erected a substantial building, which was used 
for many years by the Postoffice Department; then by the 
General Land Office; and, during the war with Germany, 
by a branch of the War Department. 

Mr. John Law who was a large property owner at that 
time, with holdings on Capitol Hill, headed a subscription 
list, raised the money and erected a large brick house 
(now called the Old Capitol), and offered the building to 
the Congress for their use until the Capitol could be re¬ 
built. That enterprise had great influence in determining 
the majority of the statesmen to vote against the proposed 
removal of the seat of government to some other locality. 

That building was an immense undertaking for that time 
•and in consideration of the small population of the new 
city. The building still stands on the hill on First street 
east of the Capitol, between East Capitol and A Streets. 
Dividing walls have been erected, so that within its origi¬ 
nal walls there are now four large residences which are 
used as boarding and rooming houses. They are well 
patronized because the rooms are unusually large, with 
very high ceilings. 


42 


This temporary Capitol was occupied and used by the 
Congress from December 5, 1815, until December 7, 1819. 
If the American people were as careful concerning land 
marks, as are the people of the old world that old building 
would be purchased and kept forever standing as a part 
of our history. Moreover, there should be somewhere 
erected some sort of a memorial to Mr. John Law, the 
enterprising and patriotic gentleman who planned and built 
that temporary Capitol building. 


ABOUT THE “BAKE OVEN” 

Without the story of the “Bake Oven” the history of the 
Capitol would not be complete. The original north wing 
of the building, in which the Supreme Court is now lo¬ 
cated was not large enough to accomomdate both the Sen¬ 
ate and the House of Representatives; and in 1801 because 
of the increase in population it became necessary to pro¬ 
vide a place for the meetings of the House of Represen¬ 
tatives. 

On the site of what is now Statuary Hall, and within 
the enclosure of the deep and wide walls of the south wing 
of the Capitol, there was erected the “Bake Oven.” It was 
a temporary brick structure elliptical in shape and with 
low roof. Although large enough for the accommodation 
of the House of Representatives, it was shaped exactly 
like an old-fashioned bake-oven, such as every estate 
possessed in those days, and it was a common expression 
of a Member of Congress to say: “It is time for the meet¬ 
ing in the Bake-Oven.” 

On December 7, 1801, when the Senate in its elegant 
new Chamber, was called to order by Vice-President Aaron 
Burr, the House of Representatives assembled in its un- 




43 


lovely “Bake-oven,” and was called to order by Speaker 
Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina. 

That continued to be the official meeting place of the 
House of Representatives for a period of six years, until 
the assembling of the Tenth Congress in extraordinary 
session on October 26, 1807. when the House was called 
to order in what is now Statuary Hall, by Speaker Joseph 
B. Varnum, of Massachusetts. 

REBUILDING THE BURNED CAPITOL 

Presidents Madison, Monroe and John Quincy Adams 
exercised paternal supervision over the work of restoring 
and enlarging the Capitol after its destruction by the Brit¬ 
ish vandals. The greater part of the work was done under 
the direction of President Monroe. Details of history 
show that as carefully as Washington safe-guarded all of 
the plans for establishing the Capitol. President Monroe 
earnestly and tirelessly guarded all of the details in the 
matter of restoration. 

It is recorded that he gave directions concerning the 
quarrying of the Potomac marble which was to be used 
in the columns of the Senate and House of Represen¬ 
tatives; columns which today excite wonder and admira¬ 
tion. This stone exists at the foot of the most southeast¬ 
erly range of the Alleghenies. It is strong, beautiful, com¬ 
posed of rubble and pebble, takes a wonderful polish, and 
is different from any marble to be seen in other public 
building of the world. 

President Monroe gave instructions to the workmen, su¬ 
pervised the work of the architect, who made weekly re¬ 
ports to him concerning the progress of the work in the 
most minute detail. He required the dome over the Senate 
to be constructed of brick; the dome over the larger cham- 


44 


ber, the House of Representatives to be of wood; and he 
gave minute directions where and how all materials were 
to be obtained. He demanded to be shown the cost of 
the tools, the materials, even to the nails and spikes used. 
He also supervised the food supplies for the workmen. 

In November, 1817, President Monroe appointed Charles 
Bulfinch, of Boston, to the position of Architect of the 
Capitol. He was the first American-born Architect 
to be employed in the great building, and our people owe 
to him an incalculable debt for his earnestness, capability 
and patriotic purpose. 

While Bulfinch was beginning the construction of the 
great Rotunda and Dome, he received a letter of historical 
value from the great artist, Trumbull. Writing under date 
of January 28, 1818, Trumbull said: 


“I am glad that so much is done and magnificently 
done at the Capitol. I have never seen paintings so 
advantageously placed in respect to light and space, 
as I think mine should be in the proposed circular 
room, illuminated from above. The boasted gallery 
of the Louvre is execrable for paintings—windows 
on each side of them and opposite to each other, and 
the 'pictures hanging not only between them but op¬ 
posite to them. I should be deeply mortified if, after 
having devoted my life to recording the great events 
of the Revolution, my paintings, when finished, 
should be placed in a disadvantageous light. In truth, 
my dear friend, it would paralyze my exertions, for 
bad pictures are nearly equal to good ones, when 
both are placed in a bad light.” 

Trumbull’s earnest appeals on account of his historical 
pictures undoubtedly had a deciding influence in the mind 
of Bulfinch, when others were endeavoring to dissuade him 
from building and completing what is now the grandest 
dome on any public building in the world. 




45 


CIVICS IN THE CAPITOL 

Primarily for the uses of the Congress, the Capitol was 
planned and erected. That the Supreme Court occupies 
a Chamber in the building is a circumstance, and not an 
original intention. Ultimately there will be a building for 
the uses of that branch of the federal government, ex¬ 
clusively. 

Very fortunately for this republic of ours the GOVERN¬ 
MENT IS A TRINITY; three in one. The President’s 
Room is set apart in the Capitol for the occasional uses 
of the President, the head of the executive branch of the 
government. 

The Senate Chamber and the Hall of the House of Rep¬ 
resentatives are provided for the uses of the legislative 
branch of the government. 

The Supreme Court Chamber is used by the Judicial 
branch of the government. 

Deeply impressed upon the minds of the youth of this 
republic should be the facts set forth in the above lines. 

For the Congress to announce itself as “the Govern¬ 
ment,” would be absurd, unconstitutional, verging on 
treason. 

For the Supreme Court to announce itself as “the Gov¬ 
ernment” would likewise be absurd, unconstitutional, verg¬ 
ing on treason. 

For the President to announce himself as “the Govern¬ 
ment,” must also be understood as absurd, unconstitu¬ 
tional, and verging on treason; and this fact should be 
emphasized, if this republic shall endure. 

The Constitution provides that the legislative, execu¬ 
tive and judicial branches of the Government shall be co¬ 
ordinate, co-equal, and cordially co-operative. 


46 


It should be understood by all of our people, beginning 
with the school children, that there have been attempts 
made in the past by more than one President, to absorb 
functions of other branches of the general government, and 
to announce his individual views as “the policy of this 
Government.” 

The President is only a part of the constitutional govern¬ 
ment of our country; a highly honored part, a highly re¬ 
spected part it is true. The Congress is a part of the 
Government. The Supreme Court is a part of the Govern¬ 
ment. Primarily, the Congress initiates legislation for the 
People. The President executes the laws, for the People. 
The Supreme Court interprets the laws, for the People. 

From the public schools hall come the intelligent citi¬ 
zens of the future, and they must know that OUR GOV¬ 
ERNMENT IS A TRINITY. 

Authority is given to the President to make certain im¬ 
portant appointments to high official positions, “by and 
with the advice and consent of the Senate;” those being 
the exact words of the constitution. 

More than one President has made important appoint¬ 
ments without the advice of the Senate, and has then in¬ 
sisted upon confirmation by the Senate; and one President 
did that thing repeatedly. 

More than one President, having failed to secure sena¬ 
torial confirmation of an appointment, has awaited the 
adjournment of the Congress, and then appointed citizens 
whose nominations had been rejected by the Senate. All 
deeds of that character are contrary to the spirit of the 
constitution. It goes for the saying that so long as the 
constitution is the supreme law of this republic, it should 
be obeyed in letter and spirit; and no individual should 
be permitted to violate that supreme law of the land. 

One President, suffering from the insanity of power, not 







47 


only endeavored to be a dictator while in office, but actu¬ 
ally wrote a letter to a member of the Senate saying: “I 
will not execute that law if the Congress enacts it.” 

Political parties have nothing to do with this lesson. It 
makes no difference to which political party a man be¬ 
longs if he violates any law. Out of an experience of well- 
nigh half a century the author is giving this lesson to pos¬ 
terity, for love of his country and of her people. 

During the tribulation days of February and March, 
1898, the President who had served long in the Congress, 
recognized all three branches of the government. For 
counsel he invited to the White House Chief Justice Fuller 
and Associate Justice Harlan, of the Supreme Court for 
their views on pending vexatious problems. He sum¬ 
moned to the White House the recognized leaders of both 
political parties of the Senate and the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives. Before the declaration of war with Spain, the 
wise and patriotic President sought and secured the wis¬ 
dom and co-operation of the other two branches of the 
general government. 

That is what should always be done. 

During the first forty years of the existence of our con¬ 
stitutional government the men elected to the office of 
President of the United States were respectfully observant 
of and obedient to the provisions of the Constitution; and 
then there came a change; the beginning of executive en¬ 
croachment upon the constitutional rights and prerogatives 
of the legislative branch of the tribune government. 

No historian has placed before the people of this coun¬ 
try; certainly not before the school children; the vastness 
and greatness and glory of what General Andrew Jackson 
did for his country by winning the battle of New Orleans. 

While the American Commissioners were treating with 
the British Commissioners at Ghent, the British Commis- 


48 


sioners proposed such a simple resolution as this: “We do 
not recognize Napoleon’s interpretation of international 
law.” 

The American Commissioners saw nothing in that reso¬ 
lution that might seem to be of great importance, and they 
did not object to it. 

But, the British Commissioners knew that General 
Pakenham, with ten thousand British veteran soldiers, 
then on the ocean were expecting to capture New Orleans. 
Then, disregarding “Napoleon’s interpretation of interna¬ 
tional law,” General Pakenham would have held, occupied 
and defended the British alleged right to all of the terri¬ 
tory of Louisiana, on the ground that Napoleon never had 
a right to sell it, nor Jefferson the right to purchase it. 

But, while the British Commissioners were throwing 
sand into the eyes of the American Commissioners at 
Ghent, Jackson and his ‘‘boys behind the bales,” were 
throwing cold lead into the faces and bodies of the veteran 
soldiers of General Pakenham on the plain of Chalmette. 

By winning the battle of New Orleans, General Jackson 
saved to his country all of the vast territory included in 
the Louisiana Purchase; and that made possible the sub¬ 
sequent extension of our great republic to the Pacific coast. 

After thus giving General Jackson the full credit for 
what was accomplished by his military prowess, it be¬ 
comes painfully necessary to state that his military ex¬ 
perience as a commander, compelling strict obedience and 
forming the habit of expecting submission to his will, pro¬ 
duced a frame of mind which was dictatorial; and while 
he was President of the United States he began encroach¬ 
ing upon the constitutional rights and prerogatives of the 
legislative branch of the federal government. He dictated 
to Congress, and he made use of presidential power to 





49 


drive out of public life fully one third of the members of 
the Senate, because they did not bow to his will. 

That was the beginning of dictatorial procedure on the 
part of the Chief Executive official of this Republic. When 
the school children now studying history, and the philoso¬ 
phy of it, are grown to manhood and womanhood, they will 
compel respect for the constitution on the part of every 
citizen, including whoever may be President of the United 
States at that coming time; even if he be a Jackson, Cleve¬ 
land, Roosevelt, or Harrison, in disposition or will power. 


LEADERS OF MEN 

When the great artist Brumidi was shown a room in the 
Capitol which he was told had been set apart for the use 
of the President of the United States, Brumidi at once 
said: “I must have good likenesses of the first President 
and of the members of his cabinet.” 

In Washington Lodge No. 22, at Alexandria, Virginia, 
Brumidi found a likeness of George Washington which had 
been painted from life for that Lodge, while Washington 
was Master of the Lodge; a picture which had the approval 
of Washington and of his most intimate friends. It is re¬ 
produced in the President’s Room, and shows a stronger, 
sterner face than the Gilbert Stuart picture to which the 
people are accustomed. 

Right here the students should be informed that Wash¬ 
ington was not only the greatest general of his age, but 
that he taught, by indirection, the greatest general of all 
ages, Napoleon. 

During the last years of the Revolution when the sol¬ 
diers of France were aiding the colonists, they were under 
the command of the Count de Rochambeau. At the close 


50 




of that war they returned to France and became the teach¬ 
ers of military affairs in their own country. Napoleon 
acknowledged his indebtedness to Washington when, in 
1804 in the Tuileries, he received the venerable Count de | 
Rochambeau and complimented him by pointing to his 
famous generals saying: “Count de Rochambeau there are 
your pupils.” 

No one but such a masterful man as Washington could 
have had such leaders of men in his cabinet, and hold 
them together. His Secretary of State, Thomas Jefferson, 
and his Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton, 
two of the greatest leaders of men of all time, were dia¬ 
metrically opposed in matters of political economy; and 
yet Washington, a leader of leaders, held them together 
and secured for the country the benefit of their patriotism 
and wisdom. 

Every man and woman, every boy and girl in this re¬ 
public has opportunity and ability to develop the genius 
of labor. Diligence and ambition make leaders of men. 
In this harvest field of human endeavor only God and the 
angels may be lookers-on. Pupils should be encouraged 
to aim high. The born dwarf never grows to middle size. 
One of the strongest of Shakespeare’s proverbs is this: 

“It is not in our stars, 

But in ourselves, that we are underlings.” 

No small man, mentally or morally, has ever been chosen 
to be President of the United States. Every man of them 
has been a leader of men, towering like King Saul above 
his fellows. How many boys and girls in our land can 
name the Presidents of this republic, in order and give 
the dates of their services? Here they are—- 



51 


George Washington . March 4, 1789 to March 4, 1797 

John Adams . March 4, 1797 to March 4, 1801 

Thomas Jefferson . March 4, 3 801 to March 4, 1809 

James Madison . March 4, 1809 to March 4, 1817 

James Monroe . March 4, 1817 to March 4, 1825 

John Quincy Adams. March 4, 1825 to March 4, 1829 

Andrew Jackson . March 4, 1829 to March 4, 1837 

Martin VanBuren . March 4, 1837 to March 4, 1841 

William Henry Harrison. March 4, 1841 to April 4. 1841 

John Tyler .April 7, 1841 to March 4, 1845 

James Knox Polk. March 4, 1845 to March 4, 1849 

Zachary Taylor . March 4, 1849 to July 8, 1850 

Millard Fillmore . July 9, 1850 to March 4, 1853 

Franklin Pierce . March 4, 1853 to March 4, 1857 

James Buchanan . March 4, 1857 to March 4, 1861 

Abraham Lincoln . March 4, 1861 to April 15, 1865 

Andrew Johnson . April 15, 1865 to March 4, 1869 

Ulysses S. Grant. March 4, 1869 to March 4, 1877 

Rutherford B. Hayes.... March 4, 1877 to March 4, 1881 

James A. Garfield. March 4, 1881 to Sept. 19, 1881 

Chester A. Arthur. Sept. 20, 1881 to March 4, 1885 

Grover Cleveland . March 4, 1885 to March 4, 1889 

Benjamin Harrison . March 4, 1889 to March 4, 1893 

Grover Cleveland . March 4, 1893 to March 4, 1897 

William McKinley . March 4, 1897 to Sept. 14, 1901 

Theodore Roosevelt . Sept. 15, 1901 to March 4, 1909 

William Taft . March 4, 1909 to March 4, 1913 

Woodrow Wilson . March 4, 1913 to 


Students will please note that, excepting General 
Zachary Taylor, all of the Presidents of the United States 
from the beginning of this federal government until March 
4, 1869, when General Grant was inaugurated, were men 
who had had legislative experience, excepting General 
Washington, who had such legislative experience previous 
to his military career. All of those Presidents had been 
members of the Congress, and therefore knew how to 
comprehend, appreciate and deal with the legislative 
branch of the government. This is a fact of great signifi¬ 
cance; and it is a lesson for young men and women to 



























52 

ponder in choosing the Presidents of the United States 
in the future. 

They who aspire to national honors should seek the 
presidency only after having been honored by elections 
to the Congress, either branch or both branches of that 
great legislative part of our government. To be leaders 
of men one must mingle with men. 

Would you see a leader? Go to a concert in some large 
city, and observe the orchestra. Look at the first violin¬ 
ist. Waiving his bow high above him, he quietly guides 
and directs the harmony. Tapping the rest-board he hur¬ 
ries the movement. Bringing the violin to his shoulder 
you hear him leading the strain, and then, above the bray¬ 
ing of the trumpets, the blasts of the horns, the shrill 
notes of fife or piccolo, the wailing of violoncellos, the 
sobbing of oboes and all of the crashing thunders of the 
orchestra, distinct and clear every ear in the great hall 
hears the leading, compelling notes of the first violin in 
the hand of the leader, a leader of men. 

Standing by his side, on a lower platform, is a patient 
and manifestly care-worn man. Without fire or dash or 
spirit he saws away on the fiddle-strings like a hired 
laborer. Steadily and conscientiously he pours a rich 
under-current of harmony into the music, which few dis¬ 
tinguish, fewer care for, but without which the concert 
would be a failure. With his eyes fixed upon his notes he 
scrapes along through bar after bar, but without enthu¬ 
siasm, without recognition, without being known. He has 
no interest in the concert other than the fact that he is 
exchanging diligence for dollars. He is playing second 
fiddle. Every boy and girl in our schools and colleges 
should be encouraged to aspire to leadership in this or¬ 
chestra of life. God pity the boy or girl who begins life 
with a willingness to play second fiddle. 


53 


On the second Sunday of July, 1896, the author of these 
lines had occasion to call upon his friend Major McKinley, 
at Canton, Ohio, and in the course of conversation the 
Major said: 


“I am very sorry to learn that President Cleveland 
is at almost swords points with the Congress; and 
that but few of the members of his own party visit 
him. It is very unfortunate. Grover Cleveland is a 
great man; a big, manly honest fellow. The trouble 
is, that he does not know the Congress, is not ac¬ 
quainted with the boys on Capitol Hill. Now, when 
I am President, as I am sure I will be, I will not be a 
lonesome President, for I will know how to treat the 
men on Capitol Hill; I will know how to respect their 
rights, and thus insure myself of their respect for 
my rights. Harmony in all three branches of our 
government would be easy if only our Presidents 
were chosen from legislative halls.” 

President McKinley was not a lonesome President; and 
when his life was taken he had the confidence and ad¬ 
miration of the entire nation—north, south, east and west. 

COMMON SENSE, NOT LEGISLATION 


National political conventions have advocated limiting 
the term of an individual in the presidential office to one 
term; and editorials by the thousand have considered the 
subject. 

That two consecutive terms in the presidency should 
be the limit of individual ambition, is a fixed principle. 
George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, 
James Monroe, did not belittle- the intelligence of their 
fellow citizens by asking for legislation to compel them 
to be patriotic. Washington set the example, and the 
other Presidents have followed that example. There is 


54 


no need of legislation, nor of an amendment to the con¬ 
stitution, to prevent a third term in the presidency. It is 
the un-written law of this republic, and will always stand, 
commanding universal respect and obedience. 

From the time of President Lincoln to the present each 
man in the White House for a term of four years has en¬ 
joyed the exercise of more power in one term than George 
Washington exercised in two terms. One term in the high 
office of President of the United States should satisfy the 
ambition of any man; and there is neither reason nor ex¬ 
cuse for making a law nor of amending the constitution 
limiting the tenure to one term. It should become the 
unwritten law of this land; and every man elected to the 
high office should aid in making that the unwritten law, 
thus fulfilling his obligations to the people under the con¬ 
stitution, “for the general welfare.” 

Theorists, not men of wide experience in governmental 
affairs, have mixed the one-term idea with an amendment 
which is needless. They would extend the one term to 
six years, instead of four. Under another caption, the 
absurdity of that idea will be made clear. 

CENTER OF ORIGINAL DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA 

The question is often asked, “Does the Washington 
Monument stand in the center of the District of Colum¬ 
bia?” Sometimes the question is: “Does the Capitol stand 
in the center of the District 9 ” Now and then the ques¬ 
tion is put in this form: “Was the Monument set up in the 
original ten-mile square; that is, did it mark the center 
of the District before that- part south and west of the Po¬ 
tomac was retroceded to Virginia?” 

Neither the Monument nor the Capitol stand in the cen¬ 
ter of the District, nor did either of them mark the center 



55 


before the retrocession to Virginia of that part of the 
original ten-mile square which Virginia ceded as the site 
for the permanent seat of government of the United States. 

However, the center point of the original District is 
close to the Monument. Three hundred and fifteen feet 
west and seventy-five feet north of the middle of the 
Monument is a stone which marks the middle of the Dis¬ 
trict as it was first surveyed. 

The west drive around the Monument passes within 
about twenty-five feet of that stone and it is visible from 
the driveway. Because of the way the turf has been built 
up around the stone only this part of the inscription is 
visible: 

“Position of the Jefferson pier, erected December 12, 
1804; recovered and re-erected December 2, 1889.” 

The invisible part of the inscription tells that this was 
“the position of the meridian post erected September 20, 
1793.” If a line be drawn from the south corner stone of 
the original District at Jones Point, below Alexandria, to 
the north corner stone cne mile west of Silver Spring, 
Montgomery county, Md., and another line be drawn from 
the east stone of the District near Chesapeake Junction 
to the west stone near Falls Church, Fairfax county, Va., 
those lines would intersect at that stone. 

The location of. this stone was lest for many years and a 
stone set up considerably to the south of it by the early 
surveyors was mistaken for it. 

The chief of engineers of the United States Army, in his 
annual report in 1898, had this to say about the center 
stone: 

The original bench mark used for the Washington monu¬ 
ment was the surface of the capstone of the Jefferson pier, 
No. 1, built on the first meridian line of the United States, 
established in 1793 and re-established in 1804. It is at the 



56 


intersection of the center line of the north and south base¬ 
ment doors of the executive mansion and the center of 
16th street extended due south, and on a due west line 
from the center of the Capitol. 

The above point of the meridian line was fixed in 1793 
by two wooden posts driven into the ground and perma¬ 
nently fixed in 1804 by building a stone pier in place of 
No. 1. The pier was 5x5x6 feet and covered by a sandstone 
cap. There is a receipted account for the materials and 
the building of this pier on file in this office for the amount 
of dated December 1, 1804, and signed by John 

Lenthall who was at that time an assistant under Archi¬ 
tect Latrobe at the Capitol. 

There was a tradition among some of the old inhabi¬ 
tants of the city to the effect that President and Mrs. 
Jefferson were present when the foundation of the pier 
was being laid; that Mrs. Jefferson gave her thimble to 
be placed in the foundation and that the pier ever after 
was known as “The Jefferson pier.” 

FUTILITY OF HUMAN AMBITION 

“I charge thee, Cromwell, fling away ambition. 

By that sin fell the angels.”— Cardinal Wolsey. 

Not altogether wise is the advice of the Cardinal. This 
world would have no progress, no development, without 
human ambition. But when ambition becomes supreme 
selfishness, a gigantic desire to possess the world and have 
dominion over it, then it is demoniacally dangerous. 

Students, and possibly teachers, may be surprised with 
this unusual reading of our own national history. No 
human being should forget that over all of our efforts and 
desires, there is an invisible Power, which must not be 




5 ? 


ignored. Take heed to the following startling facts; ex- 
ceedingly suggestive facts of our own history. 

Surrounded as he was by ambitious politicians, influ¬ 
enced by them to a greater or less degree, in the year 1862, 
President Abraham Lincoln would not send to General 
McClellan the 40,000 reserve troops under command of 
General McDowell. If he had done so, and put forth all 
of the strength and power of the populous north, in 1862, 
the civil war could have been ended there and then. But, 
the troops were withheld, the war prolonged into the 
presidential year of 1864. This condition resulted in se¬ 
curing the election of Lincoln to a second term in the 
presidency; but, within one month he was assassinated. 

In March, 1881, President Garfield began a campaign for 
a second term, as soon as his first term began. He at¬ 
tacked the leader of his own political party to destroy 
him; get him out of the way of a second term. And in 
July, 1881, President Garfield was assassinated. 

In the year 1898, surrounded by influential politicians, 
President McKinley did not let loose all of the power of 
this government to conquer the Philippines and suppress 
the Aguinaldo insurrection. But, in the presidential year 
of 1900 that power was put forth, and McKinley was elect¬ 
ed to a second term. But, he was assassinated. 

In the year 1912, another ambitious man was seeking 
an election to what many thousands of citizens of the Re¬ 
public regarded as a third term in the presidency, and he 
was shot. Although the attempt was not a success, the 
purpose of the assassion was apparent. 

These are facts of American history. Heretofore, no 
one has grouped them in this manner. That they are 
worthy of careful reading, and of mature consideration, 
no one can doubt. 

In the days of the uniformly conceded “divine right of 



kings”; long before that doctrine died with the Bastile; 
there was a truth condensed into the famous words: 
“There is a divinity that doth hedge about a King.” 

In this Republic, which is and always must be a gov¬ 
ernment of the people, by the people, and for the people, 
it has never been written, and never can it be truthfully 
said that “there is a divinity that doth hedge about a 
President;” and this is manifestly true, when the incum¬ 
bent of that great office become afflicted with what the 
historian regards as “the insanity of power.” 

OUR AMERICAN CONGRESS 

According to the letter and spirit of our constitution 
each State, of the forty-eight states comprising the United 
States, is a sovereignty, a nation in itself. 

Each state has a trinity form of government. The 
governor is the head of the executive branch; the Supreme 
Court is the head of the judicial branch; the Legislature 
or Assembly is the legislative branch; and those three-in- 
cne constitute the state government. 

Each one of these forty-eight States sends two ambassa¬ 
dors to participate in the legislation of the Government 
of the United States at a central capital in the Capitol 
Building in Washington; and they are denominated Sena¬ 
tors, by the national constitution. In accordance with the 
customs of the old world, they are really ambassadors 
from sovereign nations. 

When assembled, the two Senators from each one of the 
forty-eight states constitute a legislative body of ninety- 
tix Senators. They distinctly represent the sovereign 
states, in their entirety as independent sovereignties. 
The Senate, under the constitution is one half of the Con¬ 
gress, which is the legislative branch of the triune na- 



59 


tional government. The House of Representatives con¬ 
stitutes the other half of this legislative branch of the 
national government, the Congress; and the word “the” 
should always be used in speaking of or writing of the 
Congress of the United States. 

Now we will enter the Senate Chamber and see the Sen¬ 
ate in session. Sitting on a raised platform is the presid¬ 
ing officer, and we shall first describe the office and func¬ 
tions of 


THE VICE PRESIDENT 

This is one of the most exalted offices in the world; and 
one which is least desirable, to men who have achieved 
eminence in the world of politics and statecraft. It is a 
position without power. The office was created, by the 
makers of the constitution, solely in order that there might 
be some one in official position to take up the duties of 
the President in the event of his death or complete dis¬ 
ability. 

In order that he might have some excuse for existing 
and drawing salary, the framers of the constitution were 
obliged to find something for him to do; and they made 
him the presiding officer of the Senate; really a position 
of dignity and honor, but absolutely without power. 

The Vice-President has no vote on any pending ques¬ 
tion. He is not a member of any Committee in the Sen¬ 
ate, and hence cannot ever attain a chairmanship of a 
Committee; for in the Senate a chairmanship of an im¬ 
portant committee is a position of real power. 

And yet, when any great absorbing question is before 
tho Senate; a question concerning which the senators are 
equally divided, the Vice-President is authorized by the 
Constitution to casl the deciding vote; and that is indeed 





60 


a power; but very few times has it ever occurred that a 
Vice-President could exercise that power. 

How many pupils, and for that matter, how many teach¬ 
ers, or other citizens, could name the Vice-Presidents who 
have presided over the Senate during the existence of 
this Republic? Heretofore no school history has given 
the names of the Vice-Presidents; and yet all of them 
have been men of eminence in our country, and their 
name should be known. Here they are in regular order: 


John Adams . 

March 

4, 

1789 

to 

March 

4, 

1797 

Thomas Jefferson . 

March 

4, 

1797 

to 

March 

4, 

1801 

Aaron Burr . 

March 

4, 

1801 

to 

March 

4, 

1805 

George Clinton . 

March 

4, 

1805 

to 

March 

4, 

1813 

Eldridge Gerry . 

March 

4, 

1813 

to 

Nov. : 

23, 

1814 | 

John Gaillard Pro. Tem.. 

Nov. : 

25, 

1814 

to 

March 

4, 

1817 1 

Daniel D. Tompkins. 

March 

4, 

1817 

to 

March 

4, 

1825 

John C. Calhoun. 

March 

4, 

1825 

to 

March 

4, 

1833 

Martin Van Buren. 

March 

4, 

1833 

to 

March 

4, 

1837 

Richard M. Johnson. 

March 

4, 

1837 

to 

March 

4, 

1841 

John Tyler . 

March 

4, 

1841 

to 

April 

4, 

1841 

S. L. Southard, Pro. Tem. 

April 

5, 

1841 

to 

May : 

30, 

1842 

W. P. Mangum, Pro Tem. 

May 

31, 

1842 

to 

March 

4, 

1845 

George M. Dallas. 

March 

4, 

1845 

to 

March 

4, 

1849 

Millard Fillmore . 

March 

4, 

1849 

to 

July 

8, 

1850 

William R. King Pro Tem 

May 

6, 

1850 

to 

April 

18, 

1853 

D. R. Atchison, Pro Tem. 

April 

18, 

1853 

to 

June 

11, 

1856 

J. D. Bright, Pro Tem. . . 

June 

11, 

1856 

to 

March 

4, 

1857 

John C. Breckenridge.. . 

March 

4, 

1857 

to 

March 

4, 

1861 

Hannibal Hamlin . 

March 

4, 

1861 

to 

March 

4, 

1865 

Andrew Johnson . 

March 

4, 

1865 

to 

April 

15, 

1865 

Lafe S. Foster, Pro Tem 

April 

15, 

1865 

to 

March 

2, 

1867 

B. F. Wade, Pro Tem. ... 

March 

2, 

1867 

to 

March 

4, 

1869 

Schuyler Colfax . 

March 

4, 

1869 

to 

March 

4, 

1873 

Henry Wilson . 

March 

4, 

1873 

to 

Nov. 

22, 

1875 

T. W. Perry, Pro Tem.. . 

Dec. 

6, 

1875 

to 

March 

4, 

1877 

William W. Wheeler_ 

March 

4, 

1877 

to 

March 

4, 

1881 

Chester A. Arthur. 

March 

4, 

1881 

to 

Sept. 

19, 

1881 

David Davis, Pro Tem.. . 

Oct. 

13, 

1881 

to 

Dec. 

3, 

1883 

G. F. Edmunds, Pro Tem 

Dec. 

3, 

1883 

to 

March 

4, 

1885 





















61 


Thomas A. Hendricks... March 4, 1885, to Nov. 25, 1885 

John Sherman, Pro Tern. Dec. 7, 1885 to Feb. 22, 1887 

J. J. Ingalls, Pro Tern.. Feb. 25, 1887 to March 4, 1889 

Levi P. Morton. March 4, 1889 to March 4, 1893 

Adlai E. Stevenson. March 4, 1893 to March 4, 1897 

Garret A. Hobart. March 4, 1897 to Nov. 21. 1899 

Wm. P. Frye, Pro Tem Dec. 7, 1899 to March 4, 1901 
Theodore Roosevelt .... March 4, 1901 to Sept. 14, 1901 

Wm. P. Frye, Pro Tem.. Dec. 2, 1901 to March 4, 1905 

Charles W. Fairbanks... March 4, 1905 to March 4, 1909 

James S. Sherman. March 4, 1909 to March 4, 1913 

Thomas R. Marshall. March 4, 1913 to March 4, 1917 

March 4, 1917 to . 

To be strictly accurate in a statement of facts, the 
student should understand that the “Vice Presidents pro 
tempore,” are not actually to be so known; but they are 
given in this list so that the student may know the names 
of all men who have presided over the Senate, and exer¬ 
cised vice-presidential functions. The real Vice-Presidents 
have been only those elected by the people in presidential 
elections. The pro tempore presiding officers have been 
chosen by the Senate, when the Vice-President has been 
taken away by his death, or has been promoted by the 
death of the President. 

NATIONAL LAW-MAKING 

Upwards of forty thousand bills are introduced in each 
Congress and they are numbered from 1 up to 40,000 or 
more. Every bill is referred to a committee; and, except 
in extraordinary cases, and very rarely indeed, no bill is 
ever considered without having been reported favorably 
from a standing or select committee of the Senate. The 
standing committees are; Agriculture and Forestry, Ap¬ 
propriations, Banking and Currency, Census, Civil Service, 
Claims, Coast and Insular Survey, Coast Defenses, Cora- 









62 


merce, Conservation, Cuban Relations, District of Colum- 
bia, Education and Labor, Finance, Fisheries, Foreign Re¬ 
lations, Forest Reservations, Geological Survey, Immigra¬ 
tion, Indian Affairs, Indian Depredations, Inter-oceanic 
Canals, Interstate Commerce, Irrigation and Reclamation 
of Arid Lands, Judiciary, Library of Congress, Manufac- 
ture, Military Affairs, Mines and Mining, National Banks, | 
Naval Affairs, Pacific Islands, Pacific Railroads, Patents, 
Pensions, Philippines, Postoffices and Post-roads, Printing, 
Privileges and Elections, Public Buildings and Grounds, 
Public Lands, Railroads, Rules, Standards, Weights and 
Measures. There are several minor committees also, but I 
not of sufficient consequence to bear in memory. 

From seven to fifteen Senators are designated to serve 
on each committee. They study the bills referred to their 
committees, and unless the majority of a committee votes 
to favorably report a bill to the Senate, it will never be 
considered nor ever have any opportunity to become a 
law. Fully thirty thousand bills introduced in each Con¬ 
gress die in committee rooms and rot in pigeon holes. 

This great number of bills represents the legislative 
ideas of the four hundred and thirty-five Representatives, 
for the vast majority of the bills are introduced in the 
House and not in the Senate. 

READ CAREFULLY, AND REMEMBER 

To understand your government, study carefully these 
statements concerning the United States Senate. It is 
composed of the leading men of each of the forty-eight 
sovereign states of this republic. The historian has been 
intimately acquainted with them for almost half a century. 
ALL OF THEM ARE HONORABLE MEN. They constitute 
the greatest legislative body in the world. The politician 





63 

who stands before audiences of American citizens to de¬ 
nounce and decry the Senate of his country, is not worthy 
of credence. He is a falsifier, a political vagabond, and 
is also a coward, who would not dare to face and offer 
insult to any one of the great and good men whom he 
basely misrepresents. 

The young men and young women of this land may well 
be proud of the Senate of the United States. It is a pa¬ 
triotic body of loyal and noble statesmen. 

BULWARK OF LIBERTY " 

' Students will carefuly mark this statement. The Sen- 
:•< re is today the bulwark of the liberties of this republic, 
.he Representatives are elected for two years, each. The 
President is elected for four years. Thus over-lapping the 
Representatives in time of service, a dictatorial President 
can rule and often has ruled the House of Representatives 
with the power of patronage. On several occasions the 
President has been an actual Dictator to the House of 
Representatives. Each Representative desires a nomina¬ 
tion for another term of two years. An unconstitutionally 
autocratic President can be helpful or hurtful. Under 
existing conditions, he can compel them to bow to his im¬ 
perial will. 

Students of this history, girls as well as boys, will grow 
up with knowledge of affairs. Knowing what is right and 
what is wrong, they will rebuke a President who violates 
the constitution in that manner or in any manner. 

Senators are elected for six years each. One-third of 
the Senators are elected every two years. Consequently 
two thirds of the members of the Senate are always in 
office. Their terms over-lap the four-year term of a Presi¬ 
dent, and he cannot dictate to them nor seriously affect 


64 


their re-elections. Consequently, no President has ever 
been able to co-erce and dominate the Senate. That body 
is strong enough to resist dictatorial domination. There- ^ 
fore, it is and shall continue to be the real bulwark of the | 
constitutional liberties of the people. 

Until a single term of the President shall become the 
un-written law of the land, you must look to the Senate 
and sustain it in its every struggle for constitutional gov¬ 
ernment. 

When you read in the newspapers that the Senate, is 
opposed to a presidential policy, stand by the Senate al¬ 
ways. There are ninety-six Senators; and you may be sure 
that a majority of ninety-six intelligent, patriotic gentle¬ 
men are likely to be right. No Senator should be con¬ 
demned, by the people, for exercising independence of 
speech, and complete independence in casting his vote in 
the Senate. 

THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

The constitution requires the Congress to convene on 
the first Monday of December, every year. The members 
of the House of Representatives elected in November, 
1918, will meet in the Capitol at Washington on the first 
Monday of December, 1919; thirteen months after their 
election. That gives them ample time to deliberate on 
proposed policies. Our national legislation is never riot¬ 
ous, as it might be if the Congress were to convene imme¬ 
diately after an exciting political campaign throughout 
the country. 

During the months of January and February of 1921, the 
legislatures of one third of the states will elect Senators; 
and they, being a part of the new Congress, will convene 
on the first Monday of December, 1921, as a part o v f the 


er 


Congress, of which the House of Representatives is the 


iy other part. 

e- The people elect the Vice-President who presides over 
e the Senate. But the Representatives elect their own pre¬ 
siding officer, always heretofore, from one of their own 
e number. The Presiding Officer of the House of Represen¬ 
tatives is called the Speaker; that term being copied from 
the British House of Commons whose presiding officer is 
: the Speaker. 


THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE 

e j 

- Custom makes rules. From the beginning of our consti¬ 
tutional form of government it has been the custom for 
f a majority of the members of the House of Representa- 
i' tives to elect one of their own membership, one of their 
own number, to be the Speaker, to preside over the House; 
and it always has been a position of power as well as dig¬ 
nity and honor. 

But the constitution does not provide for the election 
of one of their own number. Undoubtedly the majority 
of the House can elect to the position of Speaker some one 
who is not a member of the House, nor a member-elect. 
The wording of the constitution follows: 

“The House of Representatives shall choose their 
Speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power 
of impeachment.” 

Although they are not constitutionally required to 
choose one of their own number, custom has established 
such selection and that custom will undoubtedly always 
prevail. Every man chosen for that high office from the 
beginning of our government to the present has been a 
man of superior abilities, a natural leader of men. Here 
[ is the list: 







Frederick A. Muhlenberg March 4, 1789 to March 4, 179 j 

Jonathan Trumball. March 4, 1791 to March 4, 179 1*1 

Frederick A. Muhlenberg March 4, 1793 to March 4, 179iil 


Jonathan Dayton . 


7, 

1795 

to 

March 

4, 

179! 1 

Theodore Sedgwick .. 

. Dec. 

2, 

1799 

to 

March 

4, 

180:1 

Nathaniel Macon . 


n 
< , 

1801 

to 

March 

4, 

180: 

Joseph B. Varnum. 

. . Oct. 

26, 

1807 

to 

March 

4, 

18111 

Henry Clay, 5 terms... 


4, 

1811 

to 

March 

4, 

1821 

Philip P. Barbour. 

. Dec. 

3, 

1821 

to 

March 

3, 

182 i 

Henry Clay . 

. . Dec. 

1, 

1823 

to 

March 

4, 

182E 

John W. Taylor. 


5, 

1825 

to 

March 

4, 

1827 

Andrew Stevenson ... 


3, 

1827 

to 

March 

4, 

183E 

James K. Polk. 


7, 

1835 

to 

March 

4, 

183S 

R. M. T. Hunter. 


2 

1839 

to 

March 

4, 

1841 

John White . 


3l! 

1841 

to 

March 

4, 

1843 

John W. Jones. 

. . Dec. 

4, 

1843 

to 

March 

4, 

1845 

John W. Davis. 

.. Dec. 

1, 

1845 

to 

March 

4, 

1847 

Robert C. Winthrop... 

.. Dec. 

6, 

1847 

to 

March 

4, 

1849! 

Howell Cobb . 

.'. Dec. 

3, 

1849 

to 

March 

4, 

1851 

Linn Boyd . 

. . Dec. 

1, 

1851 

to 

March 

4, 

1855 

Nathaniel P. Banks... 

.. Dec. 

Q 

O, 

1855 

to 

March 

4, 

1857; 

James L. Orr. 

.. Dec. 

7, 

1857 

to 

March 

4, 

1859; 

William Pennington .. 

.. Dec. 

5, 

1859 

to 

March 

4, 

1861 

Galusha A Grow. 

. . July 

4, 

1861 

to 

March 

4, 

1863 

Schuyler Colfax . 

.. .Dec. 

7, 

1863 

to 

March 

4, 

1869 

James G. Blaine. 

. . March 4, 

1869 

to 

March 

4, 

1875- 

Michael C. Kerr. 

. . Dec. 

6, 

1875 

to Aug. : 

19, 

1876 

Samuel J. Randall.... 


4, 

1876 

to 

March 

4, 

1881 ! 

J. Warren Keifer. 


5, 

1881 

to 

March 

4, 

1883 

John G. Carlisle. 

.. Dec. 

3, 

1883 

to 

March 

4, 

1889 

Thomas B. Reed. 

.. Dec. 

2, 

1889 

to 

March 

4, 

1891 

Charles F. Crisp. 

. . Dec. 

7, 

1891 

to 

March 

4, 

1895 

Thomas B. Reed. 

. . Dec. 

2, 

1895 

to 

March 

4, 

1899 

David B. Henderson... 

.. Dec. 

4, 

1899 

to 

March 

4, 

1903 

Joseph G. Cannon. 

. . Dec. 

5, 

1903 

to 

March 

4, 

1911 

Champ Clark . 

,. . April 

, 

1911 

to 

March 

4, 

1919 

Frederick H. Gillett... 

.. . May 

19, 

1919 

to 





(Note: Jonathan Dayton was the first Speaker to serve 
two consecutive terms. Nathaniel Macon, the first to serve 
three consecutive terms.) 


All of the men who have served their country in the 




































67 


!l exalted office of the speakership have been born leaders 
°f men. To compel attention in the House of Represen¬ 
tatives, a body of men of superior ability, each one of 
II whom has forged his way to the front in his own home 
surroundings, requires immense individuality and determi- 
j nation of purpose. Concerning each one of those eminent 
^gentlemen it might be said, in the words of Dryden: 

“What the child admired 

The youth endeavored, and the man ACQUIRED." 

' Previous to the year 1911 it had been the custom of the 
majority of the House of Representatives to authorize the 
Speaker to appoint the chairmen and. members of all of 
I the committees of the House; and it was an immense 
leverage of power. With the growth of the country the 
! power thus entrusted to the Speaker increased until, to 
the minds of many thinking men, it became an appalling 
power; too great and autocratic a power to be wielded by 
one man, in a Republic. 

Beginning with Galusha A. Grow, the author has per¬ 
sonally known all of the Speakers; and all of them have 
been worthy and patriotic men. During the last two terms 
of Speaker Cannon the opponents of the power of patron¬ 
age in the hands of the Speaker became insistent, to the 
point of unfairness and unreasonableness, in that they 
tried to make Speaker Cannon appear to be the embodi¬ 
ment of tyranny. History will write Speaker Cannon high 
on the roll of honorable fame. On his eightieth birthday 
the House of Representatives, regardless of party affilia¬ 
tions, united in praising the grand old man, with an un¬ 
qualified ovation of affection. 

In the year of 1911, when Champ Clark became Speaker, 
he showed his sincerity in opposing the investment of 






68 


autocratic power in the Speaker, by requesting and induc¬ 
ing the House to designate a “Committee on Committees;” 
and since that date, in April, 1911, the Speaker has been 
without that tremendous power and temptation. In a 
republic no one man should have such imperial dominaticn 
over the direct representatives of the people. Originally ! 
the authority to appoint committees was simply an honor ! 
conferred upon the Speaker; but it grew into a dangerous 
power as the country grew into gigantic proportions of 
wealth and population, and insular possessions. It can 
never be again. 

CHARACTERS OF THE REPRESENTATIVES 

Not infrequently there arises a politician who endeavors 
to magnify himself by belittling others. The boys and 
girls of this republic, growing into manhood and woman¬ 
hood, should keep their eyes on that unwise and unsafe 
politician. Any man who arises before an intelligent audi¬ 
ence, to denounce the House of Representatives in our 
Congress, should be confronted by some capable man, in 
the audience, who will eloquently denounce the self-seek¬ 
ing evil-doer; as he deserves to be denounced. 

You may be absolutely and unqualifiedly sure and cer- | 
tain that the Representative from your congressional dis- i 
trict is an honorable man, or he would not be your Mem- i 
ber of Congress. To say that you have elected a wicked 
or immoral man is an insult to your own intelligence. 
There are now four hundred and thirty-five Members of 
the House of Representatives. Every one of them is 
honorable, intelligent, patriotic and a credit to the good 
people at home. 

Do not permit any politician to denounce and abuse the 
public servants whom you have chosen. Your Senate and 




69 


your House of Representatives constitute the Congress, 
in which you should all have a national pride. 

Our people are honorable and patriotic. They nominate 
only such men and women as are honorable and patriotic. 
They cast their ballots intelligently, and they elect only 
those men and women who are honorable and patriotic. 

When they are elected to be your public servants, and 
go to the national capital at Washington, they do not 
change. They remain just as they were at home. All of 
them are anxious to make good records; and all of them 
live correctly. All of them render the best service of 
which they are capable. 

Out of the experience of almost half a century, all of 
those years having been passed in close business and 
social relations with the leaders of men in Washington, 
your historian desires to render to this country of ours, 
a patriotic service by informing the boys and girls in our 
schools, colleges, universities, seminaries, and all seats 
of education and learning, that this government of ours 
is worthy of respect, confidence and support. It is the 
most earnest desire of your historian to impress upon 
youthful minds, as emphatically as possible, the knowl¬ 
edge that your Senators and Representatives are honor¬ 
able and faithful public servants. In like manner, you 
must have confidence in your courts of justice, and the 
judges who preside over them. 

SECRET SESSIONS 

In the newspapers you often read that the Senate has 
rejected “the nomination” of some one; and that means a 
disagreement between the President and the Senate con¬ 
cerning the qualifications of some individual for an office. 

There are very many official positions of great import- 


70 


ance which the President can fill only “with the advice 
and consent of the Senate.” When the President selects 
a man whose qualifications he believes to be sufficient for 
such an office, he notifies the Senate; rnd thus naming 
the man is called “a nomination.” 

Usually the Senate agrees with the President, and con¬ 
firms the nominations. But sometimes there are Senators 
who have knowledge concerning life, character, and repu¬ 
tation of the man, which, they believe, unfits him for offi¬ 
cial position. In order that there may be no publicity con¬ 
cerning such nominations the Senate always considers 
them in “executive session,” behind closed doors; and 
thus the Senators often inform their fellow-senators con¬ 
cerning the reputation of the man at home; some things 
about him which the President did not know and could 
not know; and the Senate rejects the nomination. Re¬ 
member however, that the Senate usually is in complete 
harmony with the President in all matters. Occasional 
disagreements do not cause unpleasant relations. 


Through the Department of State the President occa¬ 
sionally finds it necessary to make or alter some treaty 
with a foreign government. Negotiations are carried on 
without publicity until the treaty has been completed to 
the satisfaction of the foreign office of the other govern¬ 
ment, and to the satisfaction of our Secretary of State; 
and then the treaty is sent to the Senate for ratification. 
Consideration of such a matter as a treaty with a foreign 
government is also always in executive session. We must 
keep the secrets of our friends in other nations. 

Secret sessions never have been popular. Previous to 
1795, six years after the beginning of our Federal Govern¬ 
ment, all of the sessions of the Senate were held in secret. 
The plain people knew nothing of what occurred behind 
the closed doors of the Senate; and the people complained, 












71 


and threatened. Now-a-days the legislative sessions of the 
Senate are open to the public, just as the sessions of the 
House are open to the people. 

During recent years strong efforts have been made by 
some Senators to abolish the executive sessions; but that 
would be unwise. There are many cogent reasons why 
all sessions concerning nominations to public office, and 
concerning treaties with foreign countries, should be held 
in secret. 

After the lapse of many years the Senate occasionallj' 
makes public the journals of secret sessions; but until the 
injunction of secrecy is thus removed, it is regarded as a 
great breach of confidence for any Senator to disclose in¬ 
formation concerning the proceedings of the executive 
sessions. 

Nevertheless, active and insistent newspaper men usu¬ 
ally manage to penetrate the veil and print the salient 
facts. No sane newspaper man however would ever make 
public any facts which should not be made public. The 
average mature Washington correspondent is as careful 
in such matters as any Senator could be. 

COUNTING THE ELECTORAL VOTES 

Self-government gives to each citizen of this republic 
the right to vote for or against candidates for offices; 
and the proudest day of every man is "Presidential Election 
Day,” when he may vote for the electors of the party of 
his choice, to determine who shall be the Chief Executive 
of the Nation; the President of the United States. 

On the first Wednesday in December, the month fol¬ 
lowing their election, the chosen Electors in each sover¬ 
eign State assemble in their state capital cities and vote 
by ballot for the President and Vice-President of their 


72 

party. They then send certificates of their votes to the 
President of the Senate, at Washington. He is the cus¬ 
todian of those certificates until the second Wednesday of 
the next February when the Senate and House of Repre¬ 
sentatives, in joint session in the Hall of the House, count 
those electoral votes, and announce to the country the 
names of the duly elected President and Vice-President. 

It has long been understood that this system of indi¬ 
rection, voting for electors instead of directly for the can¬ 
didates, might be improved. In 1801 and in 1877, twice, 
the people have been greatly agitated and excited over the 
determination of the electors. In 1877, the peace of the 
country was endangered. As the result of the contest of 
1801 the Twelfth Amendment to the Constitution was 
adopted. It became effective in 1804. 

There has been on exhibition in the Capitol, for many 
years, a painting of “The Electoral Commission.” That 
Commission was a make-shift, by which the Congress man¬ 
aged to determine the election of President Hayes; and 
the warning of that time should have resulted in some 
simpler method of determining the will of the people. 
Th§ law-makers of 1801 were more wise and provident 
than the law-makers of 1877, and the subsequent years. 

By constitutional limitation the terms of President Wil¬ 
son and Vice-President Marshall will expire at noon on 
March 4, 1921; and the people on the first Tuesday after 
the first Monday in November, 1920, will vote for electors 
who shall choose the successors of those officials, for the 
succeeding period of four years. 

The electors will forward their certificates to Vice-Presi¬ 
dent Marshall, who will place them in a ballot box, which 
must be kept under seal and under the care of watchful 
eyes, until the second Wednesday of February, 1921; and 





73 

the proceedings of that day will always be of interest to 
readers and pupils. 

At the customary hour the Senate will convene and 
proceed to the transaction of legislative business. 

The Capitol is always crowded by sight-seers on this 
occasion. The galleries of the House are filled and only 
those who cannot secure admission to the galleries go to 
the Senate. On this occasion, after the reading and approv¬ 
al of the Journal of the proceedings of the previous day, 
reports will be made from committees as usual; and one 
who might be unaware of the coming work of the day, 
might see nothing unusual in the procedures. 

In the meantime the House of Representatives will be 
called to order by the Speaker; a resolution will be unani¬ 
mously adopted directing ti e Clerk of the House to in¬ 
form the Senate that the time for counting the electoral 
votes has arrived. 

Hence, while some Senator Blank may be in the midst 
of a speech to the Senate, the main door of that body will 
open and the Clerk of the House, standing in the main 
aisle, will receive recognition of the Vice-President, and 
make this formal, customary, announcement: 

“Mr. President, I am directed to inform the Senate that 
the House of Representatives is now ready to receive the 
Senate, for the purpose of proceeding to open and count 
the votes of the Electors of the several states, for Presi¬ 
dent and Vice-President of the United States.” 

Promptly at one o’clock, the hour fixed upon by resolu¬ 
tion of a previous day, the Vice-President will announce: 

“The Senate, preceded by the Sergeant-at-arms, will 
now proceed to the Hall of the House of Representatives.” 

The Sergeant-at-arms will leave his official position be¬ 
side the Vice-President, go to the south door of the Sen¬ 
ate, which faces the door of the distant House of Repre- 


74 


sentatives. He will be followed closely by Vice-President 
Marshall and the Secretary of the Senate. 

Two by two the Senators then will fall into line, and 
without party divisions; many democratic and republican 
senators walking along arm in arm in the most friendly 
and neighborly manner. Two of the employes of the Sen¬ 
ate will carry the big ballot box containing the certifi¬ 
cates. It is always a dignified, notable, historic procession. 

Hundreds of people in the Rotunda, who have been un¬ 
able to secure admission to the galleries of the House, 
will stand aside and look upon the faces of the men whose 
names are household words throughout the republic. 

When the Sergeant-at-arms of the Senate appears at 
the door of the House, the Doorkeeper will announce the 
arrival of the Senate; and, as the procession slowly passes 
down the main aisle to the seats provided for the Sen¬ 
ators, the Speaker and all of the Representatives and all 
of the employes will arise, and stand respectfully at at¬ 
tention, and remain standing while the Senators are be¬ 
ing seated, in the eastern part of the big Hall, close to 
the desk of the Speaker. The Vice-President will take 
the Speaker’s Chair; and the Speaker occupy a chair to 
the left of the Vice-President, who will thus become the 
presiding officer of the joint session. 

The tellers, one Senator and two Representatives, will 
be seated at the desk of the Clerk of the House; and, on 
either side of them, will be seated the Secretary of the 
Senate and the Clerk of the House. 

When order shall have been finally restored the Vice- 
President will arise and dignifiedly declare: 

“The Senate and House of Representatives having met 
under the provisions of the Constitution for the purpose 
of opening, determining and declaring the votes cast for 



President and Vice-President of the United States, for the 
term of four years comemncing on the fourth day of 
March, next, and, it being my duty, in the presence of both 
Houses thus convened, to open the votes, I now proceed 
to discharge that duty.” 

Then he will begin opening the sealed certificates con¬ 
taining the votes of the Electors of all of the states. Each 
teller will examine and read each certificate. Finally the 
Vice-President will announce the total votes, and formally, 
officially, declare the chosen ones elected; and the Senate 
will proceed to its own chamber; to resume its legislative 
duties. 


AN IMPEACHMENT TRIAL 

“The House of Representatives shall have the sole power 
of impeachment.” That is one of the most important pro¬ 
visions of the constitution. 

When a majority of the House of Representatives be¬ 
lieves that any civil officer of the government has been 
guilty of “treason, bribery or other high crimes and mis¬ 
demeanors,” a resolution is adopted declaring the opinion 
of the House, and thus accusing or impeaching the indi¬ 
vidual. Not even the President is excepted, and on one 
occasion a President was so impeached, tried, and found 
not guilty of the charges. 

When a President is impeached it becomes the duty of 
the Senate to become a Court, presided over by the Chief 
Justice of the Supreme Court; and two-thirds of the Court 
must agree on a verdict of guilty, else the verdict must 
be, not guilty. By a requirement of the Constitution, 
that rule applies to all cases which come before the Sen¬ 
ate for trial. 


76 

FUNCTIONS OF THE SENATE 


Thus you understand that the Senate is a body of varied 
functions. With the House of Representatives it is an 
august part of the Congress, the legislative branch of 
our triune government. It has executive functions, con¬ 
firming or rejecting the nominations sent to it by the 
Chief Executive branch of our government. Third, on oc¬ 
casions of impeachment it has judicial functions, and is 
a Court of last resort. 

Before you set yourself up as a critic of such a body of 
educated, intelligent, patriotic statesmen, you must be able 
to assert yourself to be a capable legislator, executive, 
and judicial citizen of conceded merit; a leader not only 
in your community, but before the Nation; because those 
Senators are national characters, every one of them 
Every man has a right to be judged “by his peers.” 

CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER 

When you come to a systematic study of the Constitu¬ 
tion of our republic, you will please note that the framers 
of the instrument regarded the establishment of the law¬ 
making body as the most important of its duties. The 
FIRST article of the Constitution provides for the Con¬ 
gress. Next, the framers of the Constitution provided for 
a head of the executive branch of the government; and, 
finally ,they provided for the federal judiciary. 

It is important that the boys and girls of this land 
should understand the constitutional order of things. It 
requires no great lawyer nor teacher of political economy 
to understand that those wise men, who framed and or¬ 
dained the Constitution, regarded the Congress as the 
most important branch of the Government; the real voice 


77 

of the people, in a republic where it is intended that the 
people shall rule. 

This will add to the strength of the statement hereto¬ 
fore made; that the President shall never be permitted 
to exercise dictatorial power at any time; and particularly 
that he shall not dictate to nor threaten the Congress, nor 
either branch of that dual body; so long as we have a 
written Constitution, and so long as it is patriotically re¬ 
garded as the Supreme Law of our Republic. Every citi¬ 
zen, be he in private life, or in public office, must be law- 
abiding; a supporter, and defender of that Constitution. 

HOW LAWS ARE MADE 

To enact into law some useful idea a statesman of the 
House of Representatives, or of the Senate, must first 
write a bill, and then introduce it for reference to a com¬ 
mittee. Every bill is numbered, from “number one,” on 
upwards. After the bill has been favorably reported from 
a committee it must be approved by a majority of the 
body in which it was originally introduced. 

Suppose a bill thus prepared, introduced and favorably 
reported is approved by a majority vote of the House of 
Representatives. It is then enrolled and engrossed by the 
enrolling and engrossing clerks of the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives. Next, it is signed by the Speaker; and the 
Clerk of the House personally carries it to the Senate, 
and there, in the main aisle of the Senate, the Clerk of the 
House announces that the House has passed such a bill; 
and he names the number of the bill, 

The presiding officer of the Senate directs that the bill 
be referred to an appropriate committee. If it receives a 
favorable report from the Senate Committee, then it will 
be adopted by a majority vote of the Senate. And yet, jt 


78 


is not a law. It must be signed by the Vice-President. 
Next, the bill must be transmitted to the President, by 
the Secretary of the Senate. May be, after studying the 
bill, it does not meet with the approval of the President; 
and in that event he will send it back to the House of 
Representatives, announcing that he withholds his signa¬ 
ture; and it cannot become a law without the approval 
of the President. 

But, if the President is not wholly opposed to the meas¬ 
ure, and yet unwilling to affix his signature, he may per¬ 
mit it to lie on his table for a period of ten days; and then 
it becomes a law without the signature of the President. 

After the President disapproves a measure, it may be 
made a law, by having it passed by both the Senate and 
the House of Representatives, by two thirds majorities 
of each body. 

ABOUT CONFERENCE COMMITTEES 

To become a law, each bill must be approved, in exact 
wording by both the Senate and the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives. All appropriation bills originate in the House 
of Representatives, and seldom does one of them meet 
with the approval of the Senate, without amendment. If 
the Senate makes an amendment, even by changing only 
one word the bill must go back to the House of Represen¬ 
tatives for its approval or disapproval of that amendment. 
Very often there are hundreds of thousands of dollars 
added to an appropriation bill by the Senate. Sometimes, 
the Senate adds many millions of dollars to an appropria¬ 
tion bill. 

When a bill thus amended is reported back to the House, 
that body always disagrees with the Senate. Then, in order 
that legislation may go on, the Speaker, by order of the 






79 


majority, appoints a committee on conference; usually of 
three members of the Committee on Appropriations, to 
meet with a similar committee of three Senators, desig¬ 
nated by the Vice-President. The pending bill is then 
said to be “in conference.” 

Those two conference committees then hold daily meet¬ 
ings in the Senate Committee room. They confer, until 
they can reach a compromise agreement. Often they are 
so diametrically opposed to each other, that days and 
weeks elapse before the “conferees,” as they are called, 
can reach an agreement. All important legislation is the 
result of giving and taking; a compromise. 

Not only appropriation bills, but all other bills in which 
there are disagreements, are referred to conference com¬ 
mittees. 

Remember, for it is exceedingly important, that the 
constitution requires that all appropriation bills shall 
originate in the House of Representatives, but the Senate 
has the power of amendment. 

Remember also, that the constitution requires that all 
revenue bills shall originate in the House of Representa¬ 
tives. They are usually called tariff bills. 

That these points are important, and shall be well un¬ 
derstood by every school boy and girl in our land, may be 
emphasized by telling of an occurrence within the memory 
of mature men, when a Senator caused to be prepared for 
him, at considerable expense, a bill providing for a com¬ 
plete revision of our tariff schedules; and he introduced 
it in the Senate. 

You may imagine the surprise and humiliation of the 
Senator when the Vice-President said: 

“There is no Committee to which this bill may be re¬ 
ferred, as the constitution requires that all revenue meas¬ 
ures shall originate in the House of Representatives.” 


80 


Because the constitution has not been taught in our 
public schools, nor in our colleges, other manifestations 
of occasional ignorance in the Senate and House of Repre¬ 
sentatives might be cited; but the one above noted will 
sink into your memory. Study the constitution! 

The House of Representatives, coming directly from the 
sovereign people, has a Committee on Ways and Means. 
That Committee has charge of all revenue, or tariff, bills 
for raising revenue to provide and pay for the expenses 
of our General Government. It is the purpose of the Con¬ 
stitution that the House of Representatives shall thus pro¬ 
vide the “ways and means of carrying on the government 
of the people.” 

The Constitution also provides that the direct Represen¬ 
tatives of the people shall say how those “ways and 
means” shall be expended; and that is the reason why all 
appropriation bills must originate in the House of 
Representatives. 

Those men who framed our Constitution were great men, 
very capable, and very far-seeing statesmen. 

OUR GRAND SUPREME COURT 

The Constitution of the United States provides for the 
Supreme Court; and for no other judicial establishment, 
except that the Congress is authorized to make such pro¬ 
vision. 

The Constitution provides that the Supreme Court shall 
be one-third of our triune government; on a par with the 
legislative branch and on a par with the executive branch. 
Only one President has ever had the audacity to ignore 
the constitutional standing of that grand judicial body, 
and he was the militaristic, imperalistic soldier, Andrew 
Jackson, who also endeavored to control the legislative 
branch of the government. 



81 


Provision is made by the constitution for the Chief Jus¬ 
tice and associate justices. They are appointed by the 
President, “by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate;” and their terms of office are “during good be¬ 
havior;” and that means, practically, for life. 

So little regard was paid to this branch of the govern¬ 
ment, in the early days, that President Washington found 
it to be difficult to induce truly capable men to serve; but 
he finally developed and constitutionally organized that 
branch of the federal government in September, 1789; 
“by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.” 

Today, the Supreme Court of the United States is re¬ 
garded as the most potential judicial tribunal in the world; 
and one of our living ex-Presidents says that he would 
regard it as a high honor if he might become Chief Jus¬ 
tice of that Court. 

It is not yet quite one hundred and thirty years 
since the Supreme Court was organized; but during half 
of that time, a period of sixty-four years, there were only 
two Chief Justices, John Marshall and Roger B Taney. 
On brackets, attached to the walls of the semi-circular 
room of the Court, are the busts of those learned legal 
luminaries who have been Chief Justices of this grand 
judicial branch of our government. They are John Jay, 
John Rutledge, Oliver Ellsworth, John Marshall, Roger 
B. Taney, Salmon P. Chase, Morrison R. Waite and Mel¬ 
ville E. Fuller. ' 

One of the greatest lawyers of his age, after he had been 
President of the United States, Benjamin Harrison, pub¬ 
lished a valuable work on civics, and concerning the Su¬ 
preme Court he says: 

“When the constitutional organization of the Court had 
been settled and the high duty of selecting the Justices 
had been performed by Washington, the smaller, but not 


82 


wholly unimportant question of a court-dress loomed up; 
and much agitated and divided the minds of our public 
men. Shall the Justices wear gowns? And, if so, the 
gown of the scholar, of the Roman Senator, or of the 
priest?. Shall they wear the wig of the English Judges? 
Jefferson and Hamilton, who had differed so widely in 
their views as to the frame of the Constitution, were again 
in opposition upon these questions relating to millinery 
and hair-dressing. Jefferson was against any needless 
official apparel, but if the gown was to carry he said: 
‘For Heaven’s sake discard the monstrous wig which 
makes the English Judges look like rats peeping through 
bunches of oakum.’ Hamilton was for the English wig 
with the English gown. Burr was for the English gown, 
but against ‘the inverted wool-sack termed a wig.’ The 
English gown was taken and the wig left, and I am sure 
that the flowing silk gown still worn by the Justices helps 
to preserve in the court room that dignity and sense of 
solemnity which should always characterize the place of 
judgment.” 

When you study the constitution, you must familiarize 
yourself with the duties and powers of this wonderuf ju¬ 
dicial body. Some of the most strenuous acts of the Con¬ 
gress have been set aside by the Supreme Court, because 
they were unconstitutional, not in harmony with the su¬ 
preme law of this republic; and the decision of the Su¬ 
preme Court concerning any proposed law, is the final 
word. It is the court of last resort. Only one decision 
of the Court has been seriously criticized, and that one— 
the Dred Scott decision, is now recognized as having been 
fully in accord with the provisions of the Constitution. 

Previous to the year 1860 the Supreme Court held its 
sessions on the ground floor of the Capitol, in the rooms 
now occupied by the Law Library of the Court, 





83 


Then, the new marble wing of the Capitol having been 
completed, it was taken possession of and occupied by the 
United States Senate. It had been planned and built for 
that specific purpose. 

When the Senate moved into its new location, the Sen¬ 
ate vacated the Chamber which had been occupied by that 
august assemblage for sixty years. Immediately, the old 
Senate Chamber, which the Senate had outgrown, with 
the growth of the great Republic, was occupied by the 
Supreme Court. In that historic room until this day the 
sessions of the Supreme Court are held; and always in 
public. 

Whenever you hear any public speaker assuming to 
criticise the Supreme Court; or whenever you read that 
any public speaker has manifested the assumption of ut¬ 
tering criticism of the Supreme Court, you can say to such 
speaker, if you can reach him, or you can say to your 
neighbors and friends: 

“There are nine eminent constitutional lawyers asso¬ 
ciated as members of our Supreme Court; and they must 
indeed be nine times as wise as this self-constituted critic 
of those dignified, honorable, patriotic and reliable men. 
Each one of those Justices; thd^ Chief Justice and the 
eight Associate Justices, has been carefully considered by 
the President of the United States, and has been approved 
by him. Moreover, each one has been carefully considered 
and approved by the United States Senate. By whom is 
this self-constituted denunciator of the Supreme Court ap¬ 
proved?” 


84 


THE CONSTITUTION 

By ARCHIBALD HOPKINS 

Read at the first annual dinner of the National Associa¬ 
tion for Constitutional Government. 

With wisdom and with patient skill, 

Wide learning and profoundest thought, 

With zealous and unselfish will 
Our patriotic fathers wrought. 

They laid foundations deep and wide, 

They made their own immortal plan, 

And reared on lines before untried, 

A home for freedom and for man. 

They fortified each sacred right, 

They shielded all from fraud or wrong, 

They curbed the power of selfish might, 

And armed the weak against the strong. 

Upon themselves they put restraint 
Lest hasty passion given range, 

Should silence reason with complaint, 

And bring some heedless harmful change. 

Through storm and stress, through many fears, 
Through war and fierce domestic strife, 

Down through the lapse of changing years, 

They guarded well the nation’s life. 

The Constitution; still it stands, 

August, majestic, lofty, lone; 

No fabric wrought by human hands 
Such-strength and symmetry has shown, 



85 


The Constitution; there it stands 
A beacon in a storm tossed world; 

And peace will reign in other lands 
When they its banner have unfurled. 

In these late days come buzzing gnats, 

To tell us ’tis a thing accurst, 

Devised by scheming plutocrats, 

Whose cunning work must be reversed. 

George Washington, and Franklin, too, 

James Madison and Hamilton, 

Were leaders of the greedy crew. 

By whom the people were undone. 

How light in character and brains, 

Our Constitution makers seem 

When some great modern statesman deigns, 

To take them for an evening theme. 

We love the men who gave it birth, 

We venerate its every clause; 

Benign protector of the hearth, 

Stern guardian of the country’s laws. 

To us belongs the pious task 
To ward from it all threatening foes, 

Both those who lurk ’neath friendship’s mask, 
And those who deal it hostile blows. 

To rouse the people of the land 
To know the treasure they possess, 

And smite each sacreligious hand 

That’s raised to harm of make it less, 


86 


THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 
OF AMERICA 

I 

We, The People of the United States, in Order to form a 
more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domes- 1 
tic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, pro 
mate the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings 
of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain 
and establish this CONSTITUTION for the United 
States of America. 


ARTICLE 1 

SECTION 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall 
be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall 
consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. 

SECTION 2. The House of Representatives shall be 
composed of Members chosen every second year by the 
People of the several states, and the Electors in each 
State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors ! 
of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature. 

No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have 
attained to the Age of twenty-five years, and been seven 
years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, 
when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he 
shall be chosen. 

(Representative and direct Taxes shall be apportioned 
among the several States which may be included within 
this Union, according to their respective numbers of free 
persons, including those bound to service for a term of 
years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all 
other persons.) The actual enumeration shall be made 
within three years after the first Meeting of the Congress 
of the United States, and within every subsequent term 





87 

of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. 
The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for 
jevery thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least 
one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be 
made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to 
choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York 
six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, 
Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South 
I Carolina five, and Georgia three. 

When vacancies happen in the Representation from any 
State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs- 
of Election to fill such vacancies. 

The House of Representatives shall choose their 
Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power 
of Impeachment. 

SECTION 3. The Senate of the United States shall be 
composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the 
Legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall 
have one vote. 

Immediately after they shall be assembled in conse¬ 
quence of the first election, they shall be divided as 
| equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the 
Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expira¬ 
tion of the second year, of the second class at the expira¬ 
tion of the fourth year, and of the third class at the ex¬ 
piration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen 
every second year; and if vacancies happen by resigna¬ 
tion, or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of 
any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary 
appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, 
which shall then fill such vacancies. 

No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attain¬ 
ed to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen 




88 


of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be 
an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 

The Vice President of the United States shall be the 
President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless 
they be equally divided. 

The Senate shall choose their own Officers, and also a 
President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice Presi- j 
dent, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of 
the United States. 

The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Im¬ 
peachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall 
be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the 
United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: 
And no person shall be convicted without the concurrence 
of two thirds of the Members present. 

Judgment in cases of Impeachment shall not extend 
further than to removal from office, and disqualification 
to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under 
the United States; but the party convicted shall neverthe¬ 
less be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment 
and punishment, according to law. 

SECTION 4. The times, places and manner of holding 
elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be pre¬ 
scribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the 
Congress may at any time by law make or alter such, regu¬ 
lations, except as to the places of choosing Senators. 

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, 
and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in De¬ 
cember, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. 

SECTION 5. Each House shall be the judge of the elec¬ 
tions, returns and qualifications of its own Members, and 
a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do busi¬ 
ness; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, 
and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent 




Members, in such manner, and under such penalties as 
each House may provide. 

Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, 
punish its Members for disorderly behavior, and, with 
the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member. 

Each House shall keep a Journal of its proceedings, and 
from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts 
as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas 
and nays of the Members of either House on any question 
shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be en¬ 
tered on the Journal. 

Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, 
without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than 
three days, nor to any other place than that in which the 
two Houses shall be sitting. 

SECTION 6. The Senators and Representatives shall re¬ 
ceive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained 
by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. 
They shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach 
of peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance 
at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to 
and returning from the same; and for any speech or de¬ 
bate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any 
other place. 

No Senator or Representative shall, during the time 
for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office 
under the authority of the United States, which shall have 
been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been 
increased during such time; and no person holding any 
office under the United States, shall be a member of either 
House during his continuance in office. 

SECTION 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate 
in the House of Representatives, but the Senate may pro¬ 
pose or concur with amendments as on other bills. 





90 

Every bill which shall have passed the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, 
be presented to the President of the United States. If 
he approves he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, 
with his objections to that House in which it shall have 
originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their 
Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such recon¬ 
sideration two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the 
bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the 
other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, 
and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall be-' 
come a law. But in all such cases the votes of both 
Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the 
names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall 
be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If j 
any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten i 
days (Sundays excepted) aft^r it shall have been present¬ 
ed to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if 
he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjourn¬ 
ment prevent its return, in wiiich case it shall not be a 
law. 

Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concur¬ 
rence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be 
necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall 
be presented to the President of the United States; and 
before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by 
him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by 
two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the 
case of a bill. 

SECTION 8. The Congress shall have power to lay and 
collect taxes, duties, imposts apd excises, to pay the debts 
and provide for the common defence and general welfare 




91 


rj-tof the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises 
l shall be uniform throughout the United States; 

If To borrow money on the credit of the United States; 
it, To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among 
e the several States, and with the Indian Tribes; 
ir To establish rules of naturalization, and uniform laws 
i- cn the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United 
States; 

To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of for¬ 
eign coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures; 

To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the se¬ 
curities and current coin of the United States; 

To establish* Post Office and post roads; 

To promate the progress of science and useful arts, by 
securing for limited times to authors and inventors the 
i exclusive right to their respective writings and dis¬ 
coveries; 

To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court; 

To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on 
| the high seas, and offenses against the Law of Nations; 

To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, 
and make rules concerning captures on land and water; 

To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of 
money to that use shall be for a longer term than two 
years; 

To provide and maintain a Navy; 

To make rules for the government and regulation of 
the land and naval forces; 

To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the 
Laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel in¬ 
vasions ; 

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the 
militia, and for governing such part of them as may be 
employed in the service of the United States, reserving 



92 


to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, 
and the authority of training the militia according to the 
discipline prescribed by Congress; 

To exercise exclusive Legislation in all cases whatso¬ 
ever, over such District (not exceeding ten miles square) 
as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance 
of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the 
United States, and to exercise the authority over all places 
purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the State 
in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, maga¬ 
zines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings; 
and 

To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper 
for carrying into execution the foregoing powers and all 
other powers vested by this Constitution in the Govern¬ 
ment of the United States, or in any department or officer I 
thereof. 

SECTION 9. The migration or importation of such per¬ 
sons as any of the States now existing shall think proper 
to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior 
to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a 
tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not ex¬ 
ceeding ten dollars for each person. 

The privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not 
be suspended unless when in cases of rebellion or inva¬ 
sion the public safety may require it. 

No bill of attainder or es post facto law shall be 
passed. 

No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless 
in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before 
directed to be taken. 

No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from 
any State. 

No preference shall be given by any regulation of com- 





93 


raerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of 
another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, 
be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 

No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in con¬ 
sequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular 
statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of 
all public money shall be published from time to time. 

No title of nobility shall be granted by the United 
States; and no person holding any office of profit or trust 
under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, 
accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any 
kind whatever, from any King, Prince or foreign State. 

SECTION 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, 
alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and re¬ 
prisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make anything 
but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; 
pass any bill of attainder, ex post factor law, or law im¬ 
pairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of 
nobility. 

No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, 
lay any imposts or duties or imports or exports, except 
what may be absolutely necessary for executing it’s in¬ 
spection laws; and the net produce of all duties and im¬ 
ports or exports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of 
the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to 
the revision and control of the Congress. 

No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any 
duty of tonnage, keep troops, of ships of war in time of 
peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another 
State or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless 
actually invaded or in such imminent danger as will not 
admit of delay. 




94 


ARTICLE II 

SECTION 1. The executive power shall be vested in a 
President of the United States of America. He shall hold 
his office during the term of four years, and together with 
the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected, 
as follows 

Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legis¬ 
lature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to 
the whole number of Senators and Representatives to 
which the State may be entitled in the Congress; but no 
Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of 
trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed 
an elector. 

(The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and 
vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall 
not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. 
And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, 
and of the number of votes for each; which list they shall 
sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of Gov¬ 
ernment of the United States, directed to the President 
of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the 
presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open 
all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted 
The person having the greatest number of votes shall be 
the President, if such number be a majority of the whole 
number of Electors appointed; and if there be more than 
one who have such majority, and have an equal number 
of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immedi¬ 
ately choose by ballot one of them for President; and 
if no person have a majority, then from the five highest 
on the list the said House shall in like manner choose the 
President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall 
be taken by States, the Representation from each State 


95 


having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist 
of a Member or Members from two-thirds of the States, 
and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a 
choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, 
the person having the greatest number of votes of the 
electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should 
remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate 
shall choose from them by ballot the Vice-President.) 

The Congress may determine the time of choosing the 
electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes; 
which day shall be the same throughout the United States. 

No person except a natural born Citizen or a Citizen 
of the United States, at the time of the adoption of this 
Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; 
neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall 
not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been 
fourteen years a resident within the United States. 

In case of the removal of the President from office, or 
of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the 
powers and duties of the said office, the same shall de¬ 
volve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by 
law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation or 
inability, both of the President and Vice President declar¬ 
ing what officer shall then act as President, and such 
officer shall act accordingly; until the disability be re¬ 
moved, or a President shall be elected. 

The President shall, at stated times, receive for his 
services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased 
nor diminished during the period for which he shall have 
been elected, and he shall not receive within that period 
any other emolument from the United States or any of 
them. 

Before he enters on the execution of his office, he shall 
take the following oath or affirmation: “I do solemnly 





swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office | 
of President of the United States, and will to the best of j 
my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution ' 
of the United States.’' 

SECTION 2. The President shall be Commander in Chief 
of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the j 
Militia of the several States, when called into the actual | 
service of the United States; he may require the opinion, | 
in writing, of the principal officer in each of the execu- | 
tive Departments, upon any subject relating to the duties | 
of their respective offices, and he shall have power to S 
grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the I 
United States, except in cases of Impeachment. 

He shall have power, by and with the advice and con- | 
sent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds | 
of the Senators present concur; and he s.hall nominate, l 
and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, I 
shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and 
consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers 
of the United States, whose appointments are not herein 
otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by 
law; but the Congress may by law vest the appointment 
of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the Presi¬ 
dent alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of De¬ 
partments. 

The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies 
that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by 
granting commissions which shall expire at the end of 
their next session. 

SECTION 3. He shall from time to time give to the 
Congress information of the State of the Union, and 
recommend to their consideration such measures as he 
shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extra¬ 
ordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of 





97 


See 

of 

ion 

!“f 


,3 '. 

11 - 


‘3 


them, and in case of disagreement between them, with 
respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them 
to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive am¬ 
bassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care 
that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission 
all the officers of the United States. 

SECTION 4. The President, Vice President and all civil 
officers of the United States, shall be removed from office 
on Impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, 
or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 


ARTICLE III 


SECTION 1. The judicial power of the United States, 
s shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such in- 
ferior courts as the Congress may from time to time or¬ 
dain and establish. The Judges, both of the Supreme and 
inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good be- 
fliaviour, and shall, at stated times, receive for their ser¬ 
vices a compensation which shall not be diminished dur¬ 
ing their continuance in office. 

SECTION 2. The judicial power shall extend to all 
cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, 
the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which 
shall be made under their authority—to all cases affecting 
ambassadors other public ministers and consuls—to all 
cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction—to contro¬ 
versies to which the United States shall be a party—to 
controversies between two or more states—between a 
State and citizens of another State—between citizens of 
I different States—between citizens of the same State claim- 
[ fng lands under grants of different States, and between a 
State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens 
or subjects. 







98 


In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public minis-' 
ters and consuls, and those to which a State shall be 
party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdictions 
In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme; 
Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to the law 
and fact, with such exceptions, and under regulations as 
the Congress shall make. 

The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, 
shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State 
where the said crimes shall have been committed; but 
when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at; 
such place or places as the Congress may by law have 
directed. 

SECTION 3. Treason against the United States, shall 
consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering! 
to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No per¬ 
son shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony 
of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession 
in open court. 

The Congress shall have power to declare the punish¬ 
ment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work 
corruption of blood, or forfeiture except during the life 
of the person attained. 


ARTICLE IV 

SECTION 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each 
State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings 
of every other State. And the Congress may by general 
laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records 
and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 

■ SECTION 2. The citizens of each State shall be entitled* 
to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several 
States. 





99 


A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or 
other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in 
another State, shall, on demand of the executive authority 
of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be 
removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 

No person held to service or labor in one State, under 
the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in conse¬ 
quence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged 
from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on 
claim of the party to whom such service or labor may 
be due. 

SECTION 3. New States may be admitted by the Con¬ 
gress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed 
or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor 
any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, 
or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures 
of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. 

The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make 
all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory 
or other property belonging to the United States; and 
nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to 
prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any par¬ 
ticular State. 

SECTION 4. The United States shall guarantee to every 
State in this Union a Republican form of Government, 
and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on 
application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when 
the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic 
violence. 


ARTICLE V 

The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall 
0eem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Con- 



100 


stitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two- 
thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for pro¬ 
posing Amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid 
to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, 
when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the 
several States, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, 
as the one or the other mode of ratification may be pro¬ 
posed by the Congress; provided thac no Amendment 
which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight 
hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first 
and fourth clauses in the Ninth Section of the First Ar¬ 
ticle; and that no State, without its consent, shall be de¬ 
prived of it’s equal suffrage in the Senate. 

ARTICLE VI 

All debts contracted and engagements entered into, be¬ 
fore the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid 
against the United States under this Constitution, as under 
the Confederation. 

This Constitution, and the laws of the United States 
which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and the treaties 
made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the 
United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and 
the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any 
thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to the 
contrary notwithstanding. 

The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, 
and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and 
all executive and judicial officers, both of the United 
States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath 
or affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no re¬ 
ligious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any 
office or public trust under the United States. 




101 




ARTICLE VII 

The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall 
be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution be¬ 
tween the States so ratifying the same. 

Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the 
States present the Seventeenth Day of September in 
the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred 
and eighty seven and of the Independence of the 
United States of America the Twelfth. In Witness 
whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names, 

GO. WASHINGTON, 

Presidt and deputy from Virginia. 

Articles in Addition to, and Amendment of, the Consti¬ 
tution of the United States of America, Proposed by 
Congress, and Ratified by the Legislatures of the 
Several States, Pursuant to the Fifth Article of the 
Original Constitution. 

(ARTICLE I) 

Congress shall make no law respecting an establish¬ 
ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; 
or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or 
of the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to 
petition the Government for a redress of grievances. 

(ARTICLE II) 

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the securi¬ 
ty of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear 
arms, shall pot be ipfringed, 




102 


(ARTICLE III) 

No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any 
house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of 
war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 

(ARTICLE IV) 

The right of the people to be secure in their person, 
houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches 
and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall 
issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affir¬ 
mation, and particularly describing the place to be search¬ 
ed, and the persons or things to be seized. 

(ARTICLE V) 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or 
otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or 
indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in 
the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual 
service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any 
person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in 
jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any 
criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be de¬ 
prived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of 
law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, 
without due compensation. 

(ARTICLE VI) 

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy 
the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury 
of the State and district wherein the crime shall have 




been committed, which district shall have been previously 
ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and 
cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the wit¬ 
nesses against him; to have compulsory process for ob¬ 
taining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance 
of counsel for his defence. ' 

(ARTICLE VII) 

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy 
shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall 
be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be other¬ 
wise re-examined in any court of the United States, than 
according to the rules of the common law. 

(ARTICLE VIII) 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nbr excessive fines 
imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

(ARTICLE IX) 

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, 
shall not be construed to deny or disparage others re¬ 
tained by the people. 


(ARTICLE X) 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the 
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are re¬ 
served to the States respectively, or to the people. 

(ARTICLE XI) 

The judicial power of the United States shall not be 
construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, com- 



104 

nienced or prosecuted against one of the United States 
by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects 
of any Foreign State. 


(ARTICLE XII) 

The Electors shall meet in their respective States and 
vote by ballot for President and Vice President, one of 
whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same 
State with themselves; they shall name in their ballots 
the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots 
the person voted for as Vice President, and they shall 
make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, 
and of all persons voted for as Vice President, and of the 
number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and 
certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of 
the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. 
The President of the Senate shall, in presence of the Sen¬ 
ate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates 
and the votes shall then be counted. The person having 
the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the 
President, if such number be a majority of the whole 
number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such 
majority, then from the persons having the highest num¬ 
bers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as 
President, the House of Representatives shall choose im¬ 
mediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the 
President, the votes shall be taken by States, the repre¬ 
sentation from each State having one vote; a quorum for 
this purpose shall consist of a member or members from 
two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States 
shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Rep¬ 
resentatives shall not choose a President whenever the 
right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth 


105 


day of March next following, then the Vice President 
shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other 
constitutional disability of the President. The person 
having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, 
shall be the Vice President, if such number be a majority 
of the whole number of Electors appointed, and if no per¬ 
son have a majority, then from the two highest numbers 
on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice President; 
a, quorom for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of 
the whole number which shall be necessary to a choice. 
But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of 
President shall be eligible to that of Vice President of the 
United States. 


(ARTICLE XIII) 

SECTION 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, 
except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall 
have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United 
States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

SECTION 2. Congress shall have power to enforcd this 
article by appropriate legislation. 

(ARTICLE XIV) 

SECTION 1. All persons born or naturalized in the 
United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are 
citizens of the United States and of the State wherein 
they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law 
which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citi¬ 
zens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive 
any person of life, liberty, or property without due 
process of law; nor deny to any person within its juris¬ 
diction the equal protection of the laws. 


106 


SECTION 2. Representatives shall be apportioned 
among the several States according to their respective 
numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each 
State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to 
vote at any election for the choice of electors for Presi¬ 
dent and Vice President of the United States, Represen¬ 
tatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of 
a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is 
denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being 
twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, 
or in any way abridged, except for participation in re¬ 
bellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein 
shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of 
such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male 
citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. 

SECTION 3. No person shall be a Senator or Represen¬ 
tative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice Presi¬ 
dent, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United 
States, or under any State, who, having previously taken 
an oath, as a Member of Congress, or as an officer of the 
United States or as a member of any State legislature, 
or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to sup¬ 
port the Constitution of the United States, shall have en¬ 
gaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or 
given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Con¬ 
gress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove 
such disability. 

SECTION 4. The validity of the public debt of the 
United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred 
for payment of pensions and bounties for services in sup¬ 
pressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. 
But neither the United States nor any State shall assume 
or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrec¬ 
tion or rebellion against the United States, or any claim 




107 


for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such 
debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and 
void. 

SECTION 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, 
by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. 

(ARTICLE XV) 

SECTION 1. The right of citizens of the United States 
to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United 
States or by any State on account of race, color, or pre¬ 
vious condition of servitude. 

SECTION 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce 
this article by appropriate legislation. 

/ 

(ARTICLE XVI) 

The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes 
on incomes, from whatever source derived, without ap¬ 
portionment among the several States, and without re¬ 
gard to any census or enumeration. 

(ARTICLE XVII) 

(See Article 1, Section III) 

The Senate of the United States shall be composed of 
two Senators from each State, elected by the people there¬ 
of, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote. 

When vacancies happen in the representation of any 
State in the Senate, the executive authority of such State 
shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies: Pro¬ 
vided, that the Legislature of any State may empower the 
executive thereof to make temporary appointment, until 
the people fill the vacancy by election as the Legislature 
may direct. 


108 

This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect 
the election or term of any Senator chosen before it be¬ 
comes valid as part of the Constitution. 

(ARTICLE XVIII) 

Section 1. After one year from the ratification of this 
Article, the manufacture, sale or transportation of in¬ 
toxicating liquors within, the importation thereof into, 
or the exportation thereof from, the United States and 
all territory subject to the jurisdiction thereof, for bever¬ 
age purposes, is hereby prohibited. 

Section 2. The Congress and the several States shall 
have concurrent power to enforce this Article by appro 
priate legislation. 

THE WASHINGTON TOMBS 

Beneath the white marble star in the center of the 
ground floor of the Capitol, down in the subdbasement 
where visitors seldom go, are the “Washington Tombs;” 
provided for the interment of George and Martha Wash¬ 
ington. 

It was the desire and purpose of the American people, 
voiced by their Congress; and it was the written purpose 
of the widow, Martha Washington, that the bodies of the 
national hero and his wife should there forever rest, side 
by side. 

That they are not there, but are retained at Mount Ver¬ 
non, is due to the fact that John A. Washington, who was 
proprietor of. the estate, declined to permit the transfer, 
after provision had been made by a joint resolution of the 
Congress. Moreover, he managed to induce the legisla¬ 
ture of the State of Virginia to adopt a resolution for¬ 
bidding the removal of those bodies from Virginia. 

If the unanimous national will could have prevailed, the 




109 

transfer of the bodies might have caused the value of 
Mount Vernon realty to be reduced. Thousands of visitors 
to Mount Vernon annually are obliged to pay an admis¬ 
sion fee. Think of it! 

Surely the time will come when the bodies of the great 
soldier who won liberty from tyranny, and his wife, shall 
be wrested from the estate which charges admission to 
the ground where they are entombed; and, as many be¬ 
lieve, wrongfully held. 

Above the marble star there was originally an opening 
in the floor of the Rotunda, and for that opening a railing 
was provided, so that visitors might look down upon the 
tombs, as travelers now look upon the sarcophagus of 
Napoleon at the Hotel des Invalides, in Paris. 

On Monday, December 23, 1799, it was unanimously 
resolved by the House of Representatives: 

“That a marble monument be erected by the United 
States in the Capitol at the city of Washington; and that 
the family of George Washington be requested to permit 
his body to be deposited under it; and that the monument 
be so designed as to commemorate the great events of 
his military and political life. 

And be it further resolved, That there be a funeral pro¬ 
cession from Congress Hall to the German Lutheran 
Church, in honor of the memory of General George Wash¬ 
ington, on Thursday, the 26th instant; and that an oration 
be prepared at the request of Congress, to be delivered 
before both Houses on that day; and that the President 
of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representa¬ 
tives be desired to request one of the members of Con¬ 
gress to prepare and deliver the same. 

And be it further resolved, That it be recommended to 
the people of the United States to wear crape on the left 
arm as mourning for thirty days. 



no 

And be it further resolved, That the President of the 
United States be requested to direct a copy of these reso¬ 
lutions to be transmitted to Mrs. Washington, assuring 
her of the profound respect Congress will ever bear to her 
person and character, of their condolence of the late 
afflicting dispensation of Providence, and entreating her 
assent to the interment of the remains of General George 
Washington in the manner expressed in the first resolu¬ 
tion. 

And be it further resolved, That the President of the 
United States be requested to issue a proclamation, noti¬ 
fying to the people throughout the United States the 
recommendation contained in the third resolution. 

(The resolution was sent to the Senate, and unanimously 
adopted the same day.) 

On the 8th of January, 1800, the following message was 
received from the President by both Houses of Congress: 

Gentlemen of the Senate, and 

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: 

In compliance with the request in one of the resolutions 
of Congress of the 23rd of December last, I transmitted a 
Copy of those resolutions, by my Secretary, Mr. Shaw, to 
Mrs. Washington, assuring her of the profound respect Con¬ 
gress will ever bear to her person and character, of their 
condolence in the late afflicting dispensation of Providence, 
and entreating her assent to the interment of the remains 
of General George Washington in the manner expressed in 
the first resolution. As the sentiments of that virtuous 
lady, not less beloved by this nation than she is at present 
greatly afflicted, can never be so well expressed as in her 
own words, I transmit to Congress her original letter. 

It would be an attempt of too much delicacy to make 
any comment upon it; but there can be no doubt that the 
nation at large, as well as all branches of the Government, 
will be highly gratified by any arrangements which may 
diminish the sacrifice she makes of her individual feelings. 

JOHN ADAMS. 



Ill 

The letter referred to in the above message is as fol¬ 
lows : 

Mount Vernon, Dec. 31, 1799. 

Sir: While I feel with keenest anguish, the late dis¬ 
pensation of Divine Providence, I cannot be insensible to 
the mournful tributes of respect and veneration which 
are paid to the memory of my dear deceased husband; 
and as his best services and most anxious wishes were 
always devoted to the welfare and happiness of his coun¬ 
try, to know that they were truly appreciated and grate¬ 
fully remembered, affords no inconsiderable consolation. 

Taught by that great example which I have so long had 
before me never to oppose any private wishes to the pub¬ 
lic will, I must consent to the request made by Congress, 
which you have had the goodness to transmit to me; and, 
in doing this, I need not, I cannot say, what a sacrifice 
of individual feeling I make to a sense of duty. 

With grateful acknowledgments, and unfeigned thanks 
for the personal respect and evidence of condolence ex¬ 
pressed by Congress and yourself, 

I remain, very respectfuly, sir, 

Your most obedient humble servant, 

MARTHA WASHINGTON. 

THE CUSTIS LETTERS 

Arlington House, 27th February, 1830. 

Sir: I perceive with most sincere gratification, that 

the House of Representatives have appointed a committee 
to report upon a national interment of the venerated re¬ 
mains of Washington. 

Permit me to offer to your notice, and through you, sir, 
to that of the honorable committee charged with this in¬ 
teresting subject, certain facts touching the consent of 
Mrs. Washington to the removal of the remains of the 
Chief, in 1799. 

Mrs. Washington yielded to the request of Government 
only in the firm and fond belief, that, upon her decease, 
her remains would be permitted to rest by the side of 
those of her beloved husband; and, in a correspondence, 
strictly private and confidential, which occurred between 


112 


Colonel Lear, on the part of the bereaved lady, and the 
first President Adams, touching this subject, the vener¬ 
able and afflicted relict was given to understand that Gov¬ 
ernment could do no other than comply with her just and 
honored expectations. 

In this belief, Mrs. Washington directed that, upon her 
decease, her remains should be enclosed in a leaden coffin, 
precisely similar to the one containing the ashes of her 
illustrous consort, which command has been obeyed to the 
letter. 

I beg leave, sir, to submit to the honorable committee 
the copy of a letter addressed to the Hon. John Quincy 
Adams, Ex-President of the United States, with its 
answer; also, a copy of a letter from Major Lawrence 
Lewis, the nephew of General Washington, and sole act¬ 
ing executor of his will. 

In making these communications, permit me to observe, 
sir, that I have done no more than filial duty required at 
my hands. It is left for Government to determine whether 
the remains of those who were endeared to each other for 
forty years of happy and eventful life, shall become sepa¬ 
rate in the lasting repose of the tomb. 

I have the honor to be, 

With perfect respect, 

Your obedient humble servant, 

GEORGE W. P. CUSTIS. 

To the Honorable George E. Mitchell, Esq. 

Chairman of Committee, Etc., Etc., Etc. 

Arlington House, 25th Feb., 1830. 

Dear Sir: I perceive with much pleasure, and truly much 
surprise, that Government, after lapse of thirty years, has 
at last determined to give national rites of sepulchre to 
the venerated remains of Washington, thus enabling the 
country to declare, in the words of the divine bard, 

“Such honors Ilion paid! 

“And peaceful sleeps the mighty Hector’s shade.” 

In 1799, when Mrs. Washington yielded to the request 
of Congress, and gave her consent for the removal of the 
remains of the Chief, a correspondence occurred between 


113 


Col. Lear, on the part of the bereaved lady, and your ven¬ 
erable parent, the late President Adams, in which the Col¬ 
onel urged that the consent of Mrs. Washington had only 
been obtained upon an understanding, that, on the de¬ 
cease of the afflicted relict, her remains should be con¬ 
signed to the same sepulchre as should be provided by 
Government for those of her beloved husband. I always 
understood from Colonel Lear, that the letters of Presi¬ 
dent Adams assured Mrs. Washington that a request so 
just and honored as was hers, to be interred by the side 
of her illustrious consort, would meet with no objection 
from Government. 

If, sir, in the course of your examination of the papers 
of the late President Adams, you shall have met with any 
documents touching this interesting subject, will you have 
the kindness to forward copies of the same to the honor¬ 
able committee charged with reporting on the national in¬ 
terment of the remains of Washington. 

With great respect, 

I have the honor to be, dear sir, 

Your obedient humble servant, 

GEORGE W. P. CUSTIS. 

The Honorable John Quincy Adams. 

Washington, February 26, 1830. 

G. W. P. Custis, Esq., Arlington House. 

Dear Sir: I find among my father’s manuscripts a copy 
of a letter from him to your venerated grandmother, dated 
27th December, 1799, purporting to enclose, by William 
Smith Shaw, a copy of the resolutions of Congress, passed 
on the 23rd of that month, and entreating her assent to 
the interment of the remains of General Washington under 
the marble monument to be erected in the Capitol, at the 
City of Washington, to commemorate the great events of 
his military and political life. 

The answer to this letter is not among my father’s 
papers here. It was transmitted by him to Congress, with 
a message, dated 8th January, 1800, which is upon the 
Journals of both Houses on that day. There is in the 
message itself an intimation, expressing, as I understand 
it, my father’s opinion, all that he could give, upon the 
subject to which your letter refers. I find no second 


114 


letter from him, nor any paper showing that anything 
further had passed between them on this occasion. I 
cannot imagine that there should be any question among 
those who incline to perform the promise of Congress at 
all, in what manner they ought to perform it. 

The request of Congress was not that one-half of Gen¬ 
eral Washington’s remains should be transferred to the 
Capitol. 

I am, dear sir, respectfully, 

Your friend, 

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 


Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
That the remains of General George Washington be re¬ 
moved, with suitable military honors, from the family vault 
at Mount Vernon, conducted under the direction of a joint 
committee of both House of Congress, on the .... day 
of December next, and tombed in the national sepulchre 
to be prepared for that purpose under the centre dome of 
the Capitol in the city of Washington, according to a plan 
recommended by a report of a select committee, made to 
the House of Representatives on the .... day of March, 
1830. 

And be it further resolved, That the remains of Mrs. 
Martha Washington, consort of the late General George 
Washington, shall at the same time be removed, and en¬ 
tombed in the same sepulchre. 

And be it further resolved, That a full length pedestrian 
statue of General George Washington be, and the same is 
hereby, ordered to be obtained, to be executed by some 
distinguished artist, and of the best materials; and said 
statue, when executed, shall be placed in the centre of the 
rotunda of the Capitol, conformably to the plan recom¬ 
mended in the report of a committee herein before men¬ 
tioned: and the President shall be, and he is hereby, au¬ 
thorized and requested to direct the execution of said 
statue, with a suitable pedestal of the same material, and 
to cause the same to be placed as herein designated. 

And be it further resolved, That the sum of dol- 





115 


Iars be, and the same is hereby, appropriated, for the pdf- 
pose of carrying these resolutions into effect. 

VIRGINIA’S VETO 

The General Assembly of Virginia view, with anxious 
solicitude the efforts now making by the Congress of the 
United States, to remove from Mount Vernon the remains 
of George Washington. Such removal is not necessary to 
perpetuate and strengthen the national gratitude for him 
who was “first in the hearts of his countrymen.” 

The fact that Virginia has been the birth-place of the 
best and most illustrious man that ever lived, is naturally 
calculated to inspire her citizens with a strong desire to 
keep his remains enshrined in the land of his nativity; 
and this desire is increased by the consideration that the 
burial ground was designated by the dying patriot him¬ 
self: Therefore. 

Resolved Unanimously, That the proprietor be earnestly 
requested in the name of the people of this State, not to 
consent to the removal of the remains of George Wash¬ 
ington from Mount Vernon. 

Resolved Unanimously, That the Governor of this Com¬ 
monwealth forthwith make known the feelings and wishes 
of the General Assembly upon the subject, in the most 
appropriate manner, to the present proprietor of Mount 
Vernon, and the Congress of the United States. 

Agreed to by both Houses, February 20, 1832. 

GEORGE W. MUNFORD, C. H. D. 


Journal of Senate February 16, 1832 

Washington, February 14, 1832. 

Sir: The Senate and House of Representatives have 
passed a joint resolution to celebrate the centennial birth 
day of George Washington, which authorizes the<» Presi¬ 
dent of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives to' make application to you for his remains, to 
be removed and deposited in the Capitol at Washington, 
in conformity with the resolution of Congress of the 23rd 
December, 1799. 



ne 

They have passed another joint resolution, authorizing 
us to make application to you and Mr. George Washington 
Parke Custis for the remains of Martha Washington, to 
be removed and deposited at the same time with those of 
her late consort, George Washington. 

We herewith enclose copies of these resolutions, and, 
in the discharge of the duty imposed on us, have to re¬ 
quest that you will give as early an answer to this appli¬ 
cation as may be practicable. 

We have the honor to be, 

With great respect, 

Your Obedient Servants, 

J. C. CALHOUN, 

Vice President, and President of the Senate. 

A. STEVENSON, 

Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

Mr. John A. Washington, 

Mount Vernon. 

Washington, February 14th, 1832. 

Sir: The Senate and House of Representatives have 
passed a joint resolution authorizing the President of the 
Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives 
to ask the consent of Mr. John A. Washington and your¬ 
self to remove the remains of Mrs. Martha Washington 
to the City of Washington, on the 22nd instant to be there 
deposited with those of her consort, George Washington. 

We herewith enclose copies of these resolutions, and, 
in the discharge of the duty imposed on us, have to request 
that you will give as early an answer to this application 
as may be practicable. 

We have the honor to be, 

With great respect, 

Your obedient servants, 

JOHN C. CALHOUN, 

Vice President, and President of the Senate. 

A. STEVENSON, 

Speaker of the House of Representatives. 


Mrs. Geo. W. P. Custis. 





117 


Mount Vernon, February 15, 1832. 

To the Hon. The President of the Senate, 

And the Speaker of the House of Represen¬ 
tatives of the U. S. 

Gentlemen: I have to acknowledge receipt of your let¬ 
ter, and the resolution of Congress to carry into complete 
effect that which was adopted in December, 1799, for the 
removal of the remains of George Washington to the Seat 
of Government. 

I have received with profound sensibility this expression 
of the desire of Congress, representing the whole nation, 
to have the custody and care of the remains of my re¬ 
vered relative; and the struggle which it has produced in 
my mind between a sense of duty to the highest authori¬ 
ties of my Country and my feelings, has been greatly em¬ 
barrassing. But when I recollect that his will in respect 
to the disposition of his remains, has been recently carried 
into full effect, and that they now repose in perfect tran¬ 
quility surrounded by those of other endeared members 
of the family, I hope Congress will do justice to the mo¬ 
tives which seem to me to require that I should not con¬ 
sent to their separation. 

I pray you, gentlemen, to communicate these sentiments 
and feelings to Congress, with the grateful acknowledg¬ 
ments of the whole of the relatives of my grand-uncle for 
the distinguished honor which was intended to his memory, 
and to accept for yourselves assurances of my gratitude 
and esteem. 

JOHN A. WASHINGTON. 


THE NOBLE CUSTIS 

In remarkably strong contrast with the above sentiments 
you will now read the manly letter of a true and worthy 
scion. 

Arlington House, Tuesday Night, Feb. 14, 1832. 

Gentlemen: The letter you have done me the honor to 
write to me, requesting my consent to the removal of the 



118 


remains of my venerable grand parents from their present 
resting place to the Capitol, I have this moment received. 

I give my most hearty consent to the removal of the 
remains, after the manner requested, and congratulate the 
Government upon the approaching consummation of a 
great act of National gratitude. 

I have the honor to be, 

With perfect respect, gentlemen, 

Your obedient servant, 

GEORGE WASHINGTON P. CUSTIS. 

To the Hon. J. C. Calhoun, 

Vice President, and 
Andrew Stevenson, 

Speaker H. R. U. S. 

Pupils and teachers will discuss these conditions, and 
when the pupils are grown to manhood and womanhood, 
they will have the ultimate decision concerning this sub¬ 
ject. 


YANKEE LAND 

OUR NATIONAL ANTHEM 
By SMITH D. FRY 

AIR—DIXIE 

Our Anthem tells of Lexington, 

The Revolutionary War brave Yankees won. 
’Twas a thrill from Bunker Hill 

Till the foemen hence were hurled. 
George Washington, in fearless manner, 

On Cambridge raised the Star Spangled banner. 
Now it gleams o’er the streams 
And the ramparts of the world. 

CHORUS 

Our battle flags are flying, hooray! hooray! 

O’er ocean wave, Freedom to save, 




119 


While Tyranny is dying. 

Hooray, hooray, the Stars and Stripes forever! 

Hooray, hooray, our Yankee Land forever! 

Revere, Ward, Greene, Gates, Patrick Henry, 

John Hancock, Jefferson, our heroes were many; 
Soldiers brave, statesmen grave, 

Risked their lives for Yankee Land. 

Our bold Continentals, in their ragged regimentals, 

Left their wives, homes, sweethearts and dearest 
sentimentals; 

Gallant band, heart in hand 

To create this Yankee Land. 

CHORUS: Our battle flags, etc. 

At Valley Forge in hunger and in cold, 

They did shiver. 

Then followed noble George across Delaware River; 

And they smote the Red Coat, 

To preserve this Yankee Land. 

First in war, first in peace, earth’s greatest of men, 
Was first in the hearts of his countrymen 
A leader brave, God gave, 

To enfranchise Yankee Land. 

CHORUS: Our battle flags, etc. 

From Tennessee mountains and deep foggy bottoms, 

With Jackson, they fought behind bales of cotton. 
Every shot hit the spot, 

And they saved their Yankee Land. 

Davy Crockett died in glory at the white Alamo, 

To avenge him, Yankees then conquered Mexico. 
Fighting hot, they followed Scott, 

And expanded Yankee Land. 

CHORUS: Our battle flags, etc. 

Our Yankee boys’ daddies followed Grant and Lee, 
While Sherman raised “war” on his march to the sea. 
Strife raged, battles waged 
In divided Yankee Land. 


120 


Then “Let us have peace,” said Grant to Lee. 

“United we are, and ever shall be. 

Keep your sword.” Praise the Lord 
For united Yankee Land. 

CHORUS: Our battle flags, etc. 

Spanish ships were shattered with each cannon’s throb. 
“After breakfast,” said Dewey, “we’ll finish this job.” 
And he did—Dewey did, 

With his fleet from Yankee Land. 

At Santiago “sailor boys behind the great guns;” 

In Porto Rico soldier boys victories won. 

Sailor boys, soldier boys, 

Conquered peace for Yankee Land. 

CHORUS: Our battle flags, etc. 

Then Congress declared to the land of the brave 
“No nation on earth shall the Kaiser enslave; 

Make them free, free as we. 

All are free in Yankee Land.” 

Then victory came both on land and sea 
To the boys whose daddies followed Grant and Lee. 
Soldier boys, sailor boys, 

Over there for Yankee Land. 

CHORUS: Our battle flags, etc. 


(Copyrighted, 1917, by Smith D. Fry.) 




121 


ADDRESS 

By 

SPEAKER CHAMP CLARK, 

OF MISSOURI, 

In Presenting the 

WASHINGTON MEMORIAL ARCH AT VALLEY FORGE 
TO THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA 
ON TUESDAY, JUNE, 19, 1917. 

(Printed in the Congressional Record June 22, 1917.) 

We stand to-day on ground hallowed by the unspeakable 
sufferings of as true a band of patriots as ever lived. We 
are assembled here to pay a tardy tribute to the deeds of 
a portion of the brave men who made us free. 

The story of Valley Forge is one of the most heroic and 
beyond all question the most pathetic chapter in the his¬ 
tory of American armies. It required more courage and 
fortitude to freeze and starve in the cantonments here 
during the awful winter of 1777-78 than it did to charge 
the British Regulars in the open field or to assault them 
in the redoubts at Yorktown. Here our fortunes sank to 
the lowest point, but from this place Washington went 
forth conquering and to conquer and to become the fore¬ 
most man of all the world. 

By one of those strange accidents which puzzle even the 
philosophers, one of the best and most appreciative his¬ 
tories of the American Revolution ever written is by Sir 
George Otto Trevelyan, an Englishman, the nephew and 
biographer of Lord Macaulay. Describing Washington’s 
encampment here, he says: 

That little village (Valley Forge), clustered at the 
bottom of a deep ravine, gave a name to what, as 
time goes on, bids fair to be the most celebrated en¬ 
campment in the world’s history. 

His prophecy has come true. It is the most famous 
encampment on the surface of the globe. 

Speaking most feelingly of the foul slanders circulated 
about Washington while amid unparalleled horrors he was 



m 


trying to secure for his ragged and hungry soldiers here 
the clothing, the food, and the medicine absolutely neces¬ 
sary to keep soul and body together, he says: 

Depressed and anxious, he was not perturbed out of 
measure, inasmuch as he believed himself to be in 
direct relations with an authority which was superior 
to Congress. The old ironmaster of Valley Forge, 
with whom he lodged, used to relate that one day, 
while strolling up the creek, he found the general’s 
horse fastened to a sapling. Searching around he saw 
Washington in a thicket by the roadside on his knees 
in prayer, with tears running down his cheeks. The 
honest man, who was a Quaker preacher, “felt that 
he was upon holy ground, and withdrew unobserved.” 
On returning home he told his wife that the Nation 
would surely survive its troubles, because if there was 
any one on earth that the Lord would listen to it was 
George Washington.” 

Abraham Lincoln once said: 

I should be the most presumptuous blockhead upon 
this footstool if I for one day thought I could discharge 
the duties which have come upon me since I came into 
this place without the aid and enlightenment of One 
who is wiser and stronger than all others. I have 
always taken counsel of the Almighty, and referred 
to him my pla-ns, and have never adopted a course 
without being assured of his approbation. 

And who will have the temerity to say that Washing¬ 
ton’s prayers were not answered? 

So far as I know, the piety of Alfred Lord Tennyson has 
never been exploited by his biographers among his claims 
to our regards. Nevertheless he wrote these beautiful 
lines: 

More things are wrought by prayer 

Than this world dreams of. Wherefore, let thy voice 

Rise like a fountain for me night and day. 

For what are men better than sheep or goats 
That nourish a blind life within the brain, 

If, knowing God, they lift not hands of prayer 
Both for themselves and those who call them friend. 
For so the whole round world is every way 
Bound hy gold chains about the feet of God. 


123 


The Constitutional Convention was the wisest assem¬ 
blage of men that ever met under one roof. 

The most sensible thing they did was to divide the 
governmental machinery of this country into three sep¬ 
arate departments. 

The next wisest thing was to divide the Congress into 
two branches. 

George Washington’s name is inseparably connected in 
the most intimate way with Valley Forge. Highly as we 
esteem him, I do not believe that we appreciate him ade¬ 
quately even now. Valuable and momentous as was his 
conduct as Commander in Chief of our Revolutionary 
armies and President of the United States, in my judg¬ 
ment he rendered more service to his country and the 
cause of human liberty as President of the Constitutional 
Convention than he did as soldier or President. 

If it had not been for his commanding influence, the 
chances are that no Constitution would have been agreed 
upon, and if it had not been an absolute certainty that 
he would be the first President, the Constitution would 
never have been ratified. His name liveth evermore and 
his fame will increase as the years steal into the centuries. 

This Republic is the first really great Republic that 
ever existed on the face of the earth. 

We talk about the Republics of Greece and Rome, and 
the rest of them. They were simply aristocratic olig¬ 
archies. The intricate, delicate, and elaborate scheme of 
checks and balances in our system of government is what 
has preserved it to the present day; and what will pre¬ 
serve it, let up hope, for all time to come. 

The idea of free government is not new. We did not 
originate it. We have developed it and put it into prac¬ 
tice. Whoever wrote the Shakespeare plays put these 
words into the mouth of Brutus, in his speech defending 
himself for the assassination of Caesar: 

Here comes his body, mourned by Mark Antony; 
who, though he had no hand in his death, shall receive 
the benefit of his dying, a place in the Commonwealth; 
as which of you shall not? 

There is the case in a nutshell, the essence of repre¬ 
sentative government—“a place in the Commonwealth,” 



124 


The legislative body in every free country is the most 
important of the three branches—legislative, judicial and 
executive. 

We come from the people, we represent the people, and 
we reflect the will of the people. I undertake to say with¬ 
out fear of successful contradiction that when the Ameri¬ 
can people make up their minds that they want a thing the 
Congress will grant it to them as soon as it finds out that 
the people desire it. 

The Congress of the United States is the greatest legis¬ 
lative body in all history, and I take pride in that fact. 
Yet every evil-disposed person in the land can find some 
slander to utter about the American Congress. If the 
House takes time enough to discuss an important measure, 
these slanderers savagely assail it for being too slow. If 
the House puts in overtime and hurries a bill through, 
these same malignants fiercely denounce it for sending 
half-baked measures to the Senate. They revel in such 
foul work. 

For instance, the House was abused and denounced be¬ 
cause we discussed for two days instead of one a bill 
providing for the issue of $7,000,000,000 in bonds—far and 
away the biggest money bill ever passed since the dawn 
of creation. Think of that—in two days! And then 
remember that all the property in America—real, personal 
and mixed—was estimated at only $16,000,000,000 in 1861. 
I hope and pray that these impatient and palpitating super¬ 
patriots who belabored us for consuming two whole days 
in providing for seven billions of bonds will be equally 
impatient and anxious to get an opportunity to help pay 
them when due. It puzzled me a long time to find out why 
certain people, who could pass a great tariff bill over¬ 
night or enact any other great measure while you wait, 
did not get into Congress, and do those things. Finally 
one of them came into my room one day and was inti¬ 
mating that we were a lot of chuckleheads, and I said 
to him, “It has always surprised me that men like you,, 
who know everything, who can do everything without any 
consideration or deliberation, do not break into Congress 
and do it.” He said: “We, everybody does not want to 
come to Congress.” I replied: “There are not 5,000 men 
in America who would pot pome to one House or the other 




125 


of Congress if they could get here. I will tell you why 
you do not come into Congress. You do not come down 
here because you can not get votes enough.” 

No right-thinking man objects to fair, honest, intelligent 
criticism. That is wholesome and altogether proper, but 
abuse, ridicule, and slander are very different things from 
criticism and do imense damage, because they have a 
tendency to bring our whole system of representative 
government into disrepute, thereby sapping its very foun¬ 
dations. 

At this very moment when the country is engaged in 
the most stupendous war in all the bloody annals of man¬ 
kind the Congress is doing its duty—its whole duty— 
manfully, industriously, and patriotically to bring it to a 
speedy and triumphant conclusion—as all good citizens 
hope most fervently that it may be brought. Represen¬ 
tatives and Senators not only vote unheard-of sums of 
money for the prosecution of the war, but to the limit of 
their financial ability they contribute to the cause by pur¬ 
chasing bonds to foot the bills. Representatives and Sena¬ 
tors not only voted other men’s sons into the army, but 
they send their own sons to fight—perchance to die—for 
the starry banner of the Republic. 

This is a fitting occasion to discuss fundamental prin¬ 
ciples briefly. How many new propositions do you sup¬ 
pose our system of Government rests on? Only three. 
There are two of them in the Declaration of Independence 
and one in the Constitution. 

“All men are created equal.” That is one of them. “All 
governments derive their just powers from the consent of 
the governed.” That is two, and they form the basis of 
republican institutions. 

The thircT one is—hardly anybody ever reads it, more’s 
the pity—the preamble to the Constitution, one of the 
finest sentences ever written, and one of the most com¬ 
prehensive : 

We, the people of the United States, in order to 
form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure 
domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, 
promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings 
of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and 




126 


establish this Constitution for the United States of 
America. 

There it all is. That is our chart and our creed. What 
courtship is to marriage, what the flower is to the fruit, 
what youth is to manhood, what hope is to fruition, that 
is what the Declaration of Independence is to the Consti¬ 
tution of the United States. 

Since Washington on Yorktown’s blood-stained heights 
made good Jefferson’s declaration, thrones have been 
crumbling, crowns have been tumbling, and dynasties have 
been fleeing for their lives. 

When our fathers proclaimed this Republic at Phila¬ 
delphia on the 4th day of July, 1776, there was only one 
other Republic in the wide, wide world—Switzerland—and 
the fathers were inot certain that this one would live 
until Christmas. It was an even break whether it would 
or not. Now, thanks be to Almighty God, there are 27 
Republics in this world. In a very large sense we made 
them, every one. 

We did it—not by the mailed hand, not by conquering 
armies. We did it by the wholesomeness of our example, 
by teaching all creation the glorious truth that men can 
govern themselves. Why, before that it was supposed 
that power descended from on high and lighted on the 
heads of a few tall men, and then a little of it trickled 
down to the great body of the people below. We reversed 
all that. We make it begin at the bottom and like the 
sap in the trees in the springtime go up, and it will go up 
forever. 

Not a single one of these South American or Central 
American Republics could have existed six months if it 
had not been for us. Some of them can walk alone now, 
but in their infancy we protected them while they were 
learning to walk. We gave them a breathing spell in 
which to wax strong. We gave them a chance to live and 
to work out their own destiny. 

What did it? The Monroe doctrine. What is it? The 
simplest proposition ever put into print—that we would 
regard the establishment of its system of government bv 
any European nation in this hemisphere as an unfriendly 
act. That was a modest declaration. We were a modest 
people then. We have outgrown our modesty, and the 


127 


Monroe doctrine has grown with our growth and strength¬ 
ened with our strength, until today it is this: That for 
political purposes we hereby take the entire Western 
Hemisphere under the shadow of our wing. That is the 
Monroe doctrine. We do not covet their territory or their 
land or anything else that is theirs. We propose that they 
shall be free, because we intend to remain free ourselves; 
and we bid them a hearty Godspeed in developing them¬ 
selves into puissant republics. 

During our Civil War we did not have time to attend 
to anybody else’s business. We had hardly enough to 
attend to our own. 

Louis Napoleon, the nephew of his uncle, the Emperor 
of the French, the mightiest monarch then on earth, with 
his arms glittering from China to Peru, concluded it was 
a good time to smash the Monroe doctrine. He sent over 
the Archduke Maximilian, set him on a tinsel imperial 
throne, clapped a tinsel imperial crown on his head, and 
backed him up with 80,000 French bayonets under Marshal 
Bazaine. They were getting along tip-top until we made 
peace among ourselves. Immediately William H Seward, 
Secretary of State, sent word to Louis Napoleon that it 
was high time to get out of Mexico, and not to stand on 
the order of his going—and he went like satan was after 
him. 

Nobody ever tried to violate the Monroe doctrine after 
that until Great Britain undertook to steal a piece of 
Venezuela, and Grover Cleveland shook his fist in the face 
of the British lion and forbade him to put his paw on 
Venezuela, and he kept it off. From that day to this 
nobody has ever tried to infringe on the Monroe doctrine. 
Those are two of the proudest chapters in our history- 
one written by a Republican Secretary of State, the other 
by a Democratic President. 

A great many people make a mistake as to where the 
line of demarcation is between a free country and a des¬ 
potism. It is as plain as the nose on your face when once 
correctly stated. 

Most people think if there is a hereditary head to the 
government, it is necessarily a despotism; if there is an 
elective head, it is necessarily free. That has nothing in 
the world to do with it—not a thing. A country can be 


128 


just as free with a hereditary head as it can be with an 
elective president, provided it has the right sort of con¬ 
stitution. 

I will tell you where the line of demarcation is. Any 
country that has a legislative body which controls the 
purse strings thereof is free, and if it has not it is not 
free. Out West where I live—I do not know whether it 
has percolated to the East or not—there is a homely 
saying that “Money makes the mare go.” 

Money also makes the Government go, and if the Con¬ 
gress should refuse to appropriate the money to run this 
Government it would stand stock-still at midnight on the 
30th day of June. Patriots would not run it, most of 
them, without pay. It makes no difference what we call 
it. We denominate our legislative body the Congress. 
When people get mad at the Congress and can not find 
anything else mean to say, they say we talk too much. 

Well, I used to be rather inclined to think sometimes 
that the Senate does talk too much, but I have somewhat 
changed my notion about that. There should be some 
place in this Government where a thing can be really and 
thoroughly and minutely discussed. Of course discussion 
and debate should not be extended so as to obstruct meri¬ 
torious legislation which the people want. 

Those who growl about the Congres talking too much 
had better get out their dictionary and study it a little. 
What do you suppose the word “parliament” means in 
the dictionary sense? Whether we are enamored of the 
English or not, that is the oldest legislative body in the 
world. It literally means “a talking body.” Bless your 
souls that is what it was elected for—to talk; not to in¬ 
dulge in foolish talk, but to talk about the principles of 
government, the business of the country, and things like 
that. In France it is called the Assembly; in Germany 
the Reichstag; in Scandinavia the Storthing, and down 
in Bulgaria it is the Sobranje. The idea of representative 
government will grow and spread like the mustard tree 
of the Bible, until there will not be a monarch in any 
civilized country in God’s footstool. 

What a fine thing it is to be an American—how glori¬ 
ous, how inspiring! 

Those of you who read the Holy Scriptures—and I hope 



129 


you all do—remember that after Paul had been bound the 
chief captain ordered the centurion to take him away and 
scourge him. Paul executed a skillful flank move on him. 
Of course I am giving a free translation. I have always 
believed that Paul would have made one of the most 
masterful politicians and lawyers that ever lived. Paul 
said to the centurion who was about to scourge him: “Is 
it lawful to scourge a Roman citizen?” That question 
scared the centurion half to death. He rushed off to the 
chief captain as hard as he could clatter, and said: “You 
had better be careful; that man is a Roman citizen,” 
which startled the chief captain greatly—startled him so 
that Paul was not scourged. 

When that transaction took place Rome was mistress of 
the civilized world. 

The power and dignity inherent in Roman citizenship 
were demonstrated by the terror which seized those who 
intended to scourge him before he invoked the protection 
of that citizenship. 

It was a great boon to be a Roman citizen when Rome 
was in the plentitude of imperial power, but it is a far 
greater boon to be a plain American citizen, heir of all 
the ages. 

Our mission in the world has been to vindicate by our 
practice and achievements our theory of “government of 
the people, by the people, and for the people.” 

On divers questions we are “distinct as the billows, yet 
we are one as the sea” when the honor, the safety, the 
prosperity and the glory of the Republic are at stake. 

We divide into parties on domestic issues, which is well; 
but our political contentions cease absolutely at low-water 
mark. Beyond that we are one people, with one heart, 
one soul, one hope, one country, one flag—ready, if needs 
be, to face a world in arms. 

It is said that republics are ungrateful; but by erecting 
this magnificent memorial arch to Washington and his 
soldiers the Congress demonstrates to all the world that 
we hold in most grateful recollection the men who suf¬ 
fered and died here years ago, in order that our feeble 
infant Republic might live. How amazingly she has 
grown. God be praised! Grown from a narrow strip 
along the Atlantic to continental proportions. Grown from 


130 


being the weakest among the nations into the richest 
and most powerful! The free institutions, which have 
enabled us to grow into what we are, we owe to Washing¬ 
ton and the patriots of ’76. The spirit which animated 
them animates their descendants today, wherever Old 
Glory floats. They. created this mighty Republic. Our 
most solemn duty, our profoundest pleasure, our highest 
ambition is to serve it faithfully, and to transmit it unim¬ 
paired to our children and our children’s children, to the 
remotest generation. 

And now, Gov. Brumbaugh, on behalf of the Govern¬ 
ment of the United States, through you as the chief magis¬ 
trate of Pennsylvania, I present to the old Keystone State 
this splendid memorial arch in honor of Washington and 
the men who made Valley Forge another shrine for free¬ 
dom. May it, defying the corroding tooth of time, stand 
as a sign and token of our love and gratitude so long as 
the Schuylkill seeks the sea. 

May the God of our fathers, the God who sustained 
Washington and his brave followers on a hundred fields 
of carnage and amid the horrors of Valley Forge, crown¬ 
ing them with complete victory at last, the God who 
guided the pen of Jefferson when writing the Declaration, 
the God who has showered his blessings upon us without 
stint, may He lead our feet in the paths of righteousness 
for the healing of the nations, and the freedom of man¬ 
kind, even unto the uttermost ends of the earth. 




THE AMERICAN’S CREED 


I believe in the United States of America as a govern¬ 
ment of the people, by the people, for the people, whose 
just powers are derived from the consent of the governed; 
a democracy in a republic; a sovereign Nation of many 
sovereign States; a perfect Union, one and inseparable, 
established upon those principles of freedom, equality, 
justice, and humanity for which American patriots sacri¬ 
ficed their lives and fortunes. 

I therefore believe it is my duty to my country to love 
it; to support its Constitution; to obey its law; to respect 
its flag; and to defend it against all enemies. 


(For Additional Copies, Send Fifty Cents to Smith D. Fry, 
Lock Box No. 1714, Washington, D. C.) 



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